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Anthropological  Series 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  His^jfcay        '6/ 

Publication  209  ^7y  ^C/ 

Vol.  XIV,  Na 


THE  TINGUIAN 

SOCIAL,  RELIGIOUS,  AND   ECONOMIC  LIFE 
OF  A  PHILIPPINE  TRIBE 

BY 

Fay-Cooper  Cole 

Assistant  Curator  of  Malayan  Ethnology 

WITH  A  CHAPTER  ON  MUSIC 

BY 

ALBERT  GALE 

83  Plates  and  26  Text-Figures 

The  R.  F.  Cummings  Philippine  Expedition 

Berthold  Laufer 
Curator  of  Anthropology 


Chicago 
1922 


Map  of  Northwestern  Luzon. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

TEXT-FIGURES 

Page 

1.  Child's   Cradle   and   Jumper 273 

2.  Diagram  of   a   Game 277 

3.  Cross  Sections  Showing  Types  of  Graves      287 

4.  Ceremonial  Paraphernalia 312 

5.  Household    Objects       366 

o.  Spoons  and  Ladles 368 

7.  Types  of   Knives       375 

8.  Head-axes        376 

y.     Spears 377 

10.  Shields 379 

11.  Chicken  Snare 380 

12.  Bird  Snares      382 

13.  Fishing    Devices 384 

14.  Grass  Knife;  Root  Adze;  Rice  Cutter 387 

15.  Agricultural    Implements 391 

16.  Devices  Used  in  Spinning  and  Weaving 418 

17.  Rope-Making  Appliances      421 

18.  Bark    Beater 422 

i<;.  Basket   Weaves 424 

20.  Net  Needle  and  Mesh  Stick 427 

21.  Tobacco-Pipes       429 

22.  Designs  on  Pipes  and  Pottery 432 

23.  Decorative    Designs 433 

24.  Patterns  Used  in  Weaving 434 

25.  Blanket    Designs 435 

26.  Musical   Instruments 441 

PLATES 
Frontispiece:     Map  of  Northwestern  Luzon. 
I.     The  Province  of  Abra,  Looking  Inland  from  the  Coast  Range. 
II.     Abra,  Looking  toward  the  Sea  from  the  Top  of  the  Cordillera 
Central. 

III.  Manabo  Man. 

IV.  Man  of  Ba-ak. 
V.     Manabo  Woman. 

VI.    Woman  of  Patok. 
VII.     A  Mouutain  Tinguian  from  Likuan. 
VIII.     A  Young  Man  from  Likuan. 
IX.     Girl   from  the  Mountain   Village  of  Lamaw    (Photograph   from 

Philippine  Bureau  of  Science). 
X.    A  Woman  from  Lamaw  (Photograph  from  Philippine  Bureau  of 

Science). 
XI.     A  Typical   Small  Boy    (Photograph   from  Philippine  Bureau  of 

Science). 
XII.     The  Baby  Tender. 
XIII.    A  Betrothed  Maiden.         v„ 

231 


232 


List  of  Illustrations 


XIV.  The  Wedding. 

XV.  Mothers  and  Babies. 

XVI.  Funeral  of  Malakay.  . 

XVII.  The  Whipping  at  a  Funeral. 

XVIII.  Inapapaiag.    An  Offering  to  the  Spirits. 

XIX.  The  Medium's  Outfit. 

XX.  Ceremonial  Houses. 

XXI.  Balaua.     The  Greatest  of  the  Spirit  Structures. 

XXII.  Spirit  Houses  in  a  Garden. 

XXIII.  The  Kalangan :    A  Spirit  House ;  Second  in  Importance. 

XXIV.  The  Saloko.    A  Split  Bamboo,  in  which  Offerings  are  Placed. 

Ceremonies. 

XXV.  The  Saloko.    A  Spirit  Bamboo,  in  which  Offerings  are  Placed. 

XXVI.  Ready  to  Launch  the  Spirit  Raft  on  the  River. 

XXVII.  The  Tangpap.    An  Important  Spirit  Structure. 

XXVIII.  Gateway  at  Likuan. 

XXIX.  Pottery  Houses,  for  the  Spirit  of  the  Rice. 

XXX.  A  Medium  Making  an  Offering  to  the  Guardian  Stones. 

XXXI.  Ceremonial  Pounding  of  the  Rice. 

XXXII.  Renewing  the  Offering  on  the  Spirit  Shield. 

XXXIII.  Singeing  a  Pig  at  a  Ceremony. 

XXXIV.  Offering  of  the  Pigs  to  the  Spirits. 
XXXV.  The  Sayang  Ceremony. 

XXXVI.  Potters  at  Work. 

XXXVII.  A  Family  of  Laba-an. 

XXXVIII.  The  Village  of  Saliapadin. 

XXXIX.  Typical  Houses. 

XL.  House  Building. 

XLI.  Roofing  a  House. 

XLIL  Water  Carriers  (Photograph  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science). 

XLIII.  A  Tinguian  Housewife   (Photograph  from  Philippine  Bureau  of 

Science). 

XLIV.  A  Warrior. 

XLV.  Hunter  Fitted  for  the  Trail. 

XLVI.  Hunting  Party  on  Mt.  Posoey. 

XLVII.  Shooting  the  Blowgun. 

XLVIII.  Highland  Field  and  Terraces  at  Patok. 

XLIX.  The  Rice  Terraces  near  Likuan. 

L.  Plowing  in  the  Lower  Terraces. 

LI.  Taking  Rice  Sprouts  from  the  Seed  Beds. 

LII.  Transplanting  the  Rice. 

LIII.  Bird  Scarers  in  the  Fields. 

LIV.  Harvesting  the  Rice. 

LV.  The  Rice  Granary. 

LVI.  Pounding  Rice  (Photograph  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science). 

LVII.  Winnowing  and  Sifting  (Photograph  from  Philippine  Bureau  of 

Science). 

LVIII.  Drying  Corn. 

LIX.  Breaking  the  Corn  between  Two  Stones. 

LX.  Preparing  Tobacco. 

LXI.  Feeding  the  Pigs. 

LXII.  A  Typical  Forge  of  the  Iron  Workers. 

LXIII.  Ginning  Cotton  and  Sizing  the  Thread. 

LXIV.  Beating  Cotton  on  a  Carabao  Hide. 

LXV.  Spinning  (Photo*graph  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science). 


List  of  Illustrations 


233 


LXVI.  Weaving  a  Blanket. 

LXVII.  Basket  Making. 

LXVIII.  Basket  Types. 

LXIX.  Basket  Types. 

J.XX.  The  Net  Maker. 

LXXI.  Ceremonial  Blanket. 

LXXII.  Blankets  Showing  Designs. 

LXXIII.  Blankets  Showing  Designs. 

LXXIV.  Woven  Belts  and  Clouts. 

LXXV.  Men  of  Sallapadin. 

LXXVI.  Typical  Dress  of  the  Man. 

LXXVII.  Women  in  Full  Dress. 

LXXVIII.  Customary  Dress  of  the  Woman. 

LXXIX.  Women's  Arm  Beads. 

LXXX.  Woman  Wearing  Girdle  and  Clout  (Photograph  from  Philippine 
Bureau  of  Science). 

LXXXI,  1.  Dancing  Tadek  at  a  Ceremony. 

LXXXI,  2.  Beating  the  Copper  Gongs. 

LXXXII.  The  Nose  Flute. 

LXXXIII.  Playing  on  Bamboo  Guitars. 


THE  TINGUIAN 

BY  FAY-COOPER  COLE 

INTRODUCTION 

It  seems  desirable,  at  the  outset,  to  set  forth  certain  general  con- 
clusions regarding  the  Tinguian  and  their  neighbors.  Probably  no 
pagan  tribe  of  the  Philippines  has  received  more  frequent  notice  in 
literature,  or  has  been  the  subject  of  more  theories  regarding  its  ori- 
gin, despite  the  fact  that  information  concerning  it  has  been  exceed- 
ingly scanty,  and  careful  observations  on  the  language  and  physical 
types  have  been  totally  lacking. 

According  to  various  writers,  these  people  are  descended  from 
Chinese,  Japanese,  or  Arabs ;  are  typical  Malay ;  are  identical  with 
the  Igorot ;  are  pacific,  hospitable,  and  industrious ;  are  inveterate 
head-hunters,  inhospitable,  lazy,  and  dirty.  The  detailed  discussion  of 
these  assertions  will  follow  later  in  the  volume,  but  at  this  point  I  wish 
to  state  briefly  the  racial  and  cultural  situation,  as  I  believe  it  to  exist 
in  northwestern  Luzon. 

I  am  under  the  impression  that  at  one  time  this  whole  region  was 
inhabited  by  pygmy  blacks,  known  as  Aeta  or  Negrito,  small  groups 
of  whom  still  retain  their  identity.  With  the  coming  of  an  alien 
people  they  were  pressed  back  from  the  coasts  to  the  less  hospitable 
regions  of  the  interior,  where  they  were,  for  the  most  part,  exter- 
minated, but  they  intermarried  with  the  invaders  to  such  an  extent 
that  to-day  there  is  no  tribe  or  group  in  northwestern  Luzon  but  shows 
evidence  of  intermixture  with  them.  I  believe  that  the  newcomers 
were  drawn  from  the  so-called  primitive  Malay  peoples  of  south- 
eastern Asia ;  that  in  their  movement  eastward  and  northward  they 
met  with  and  absorbed  remnants  of  an  earlier  migration  made  up  of  a 
people  closely  related  to  the  Polynesians,  and  that  the  results  of  this 
intermixture  are  still  evident,  not  only  in  Luzon,  but  in  every  part  of 
the  Archipelago. 

In  northern  Luzon,  I  hold,  we  find  evidences  of  at  least  two  series 
of  waves  and  periods  of  migration,  the  members  of  which  are  simi- 
lar physical  type  and  language.  It  appears,  however,  that  they  came 
from  somewhat  different  localities  of  southeastern  Asia  and  had,  in 
their  old  homes,  developed  social  organizations  and  other  elements  of 

235 


236  The  Tinguian 

culture  radically  different  from  one  another — institutions  and  group- 
ings which  they  brought  with  them  to  the  Philippines,  and  which  they 
have  maintained  up  to  the  present  time. 

To  the  first  series  belong  the  Igorot1  with  their  institutions  of  trial 
marriage ;  division  of  their  settlements  into  social  and  political  units 
known  as  ato;  separate  dormitories  for  unmarried  men  and  women ; 
government  by  the  federated  divisions  of  a  village  as  represented  by 
the  old  men ;  and  a  peculiar  and  characteristic  type  of  dwelling. 

In  the  second  wave  series  we  find  the  Apayo,  the  western  division 
at  least  of  the  people  known  as  Kalinga,  the  Tinguian,  and  Ilocano.2 
In  none  of  these  groups  do  we  find  the  institutions  just  mentioned. 
Trial  unions  are  unknown,  and  marriage  restrictions  are  based  solely 
on  blood  relationship ;  government  is  through  the  headman  aided  by 
the  elders  of  his  village,  or  is  a  pure  democracy.  Considerable  varia- 
tion exists  between  the  dwellings  of  these  four  peoples,  yet  they  con- 
form to  a  general  type  which  is  radically  different  from  that  of  the 
Igorot. 

The  Apayao  and  Kalinga  divisions  of  this  second  wave  series,  by 
reason  of  their  environment,  their  more  isolated  localities  and  conse- 
quent lack  of  frequent  communication  with  the  coast,  have  a  simpler 
culture  than  that  of  the  Tinguian;  yet  they  have,  during  many  genera- 
tions, developed  certain  traits  and  institutions  now  apparently  peculiar 
to  them.  The  Tinguian  and  Ilocano,  on  the  other  hand,  have  had  the 
advantages  of  outside  communication  of  extensive  trade,  and  the  ad- 
mixture of  a  certain  amount  of  foreign  blood. 

These  last  two  groups  evidently  left  their  ancient  home  as  a  unit, 
at  a  time  prior  to  the  Hindu  domination  of  Java  and  Sumatra,  but 
probably  not  until  the  influence  of  that  civilization  had  begun  to  make 
itself  felt.  Traces  of  Indian  culture  are  still  to  be  found  in  the  lan- 
guage, folklore,  religion,  and  economic  life  of  this  people,  while  the 
native  script  which  the  Spanish  found  in  use  among  the  Ilocano  seems, 
without  doubt,  to  owe  its  origin  to  that  source. 

After  reaching  Luzon,  this  people  slowly  broke  up  into  groups 
which  spread  out  over  the  provinces  of  Ilocos  Sur  and  Norte,  Union 
and  Abra.  The  partial  isolation  of  some  of  these  divisions,  local  feuds, 
the  universal  custom  of  head-hunting,  and  the  need  of  human  victims 
to  accompany  the  spirits  of  the  dead,  all  doubtless  aided  in  separating 

1  The  Bontoc  Igorot  is  taken  as  one  of  the  least  influenced  and  most  typical 
of  the  Igorot  groups. 

2  On  this  point  see  Cole,  The  Distribution  of  the  Non-Christian  Tribes 
of  Northwestern  Luzon  {American  Anthropologist,  N.  S.,  Vol.  XI,  1909, 
PP.  329-347)- 


Introduction  237 

the  tribe  into  a  number  of  dialect  groups, — groups  which  nevertheless 
retained  the  old  culture  to  a  surprising  degree. 

Long  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spanish,  Chinese  and  Japanese  trad- 
ers were  visiting  the  Ilocos  coasts.  We  are  also  informed  that  mer- 
chants from  Macao  and  India  went  there  from  time  to  time,  while  trade 
relations  with  Pangasinan  and  the  Tagalog  provinces  were  well  de- 
veloped. 

The  leavening  influennce  of  trade  and  contact  with  other  peoples 
resulted  in  such  advancement  that  this  people  was  early  mentioned 
as  one  of  the  six  "civilized"  tribes  of  the  Philippines. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  Salcedo,  the  greater  portion  of  the  coast  people 
accepted  the  rule  of  Spain  and  the  Christian  religion,  while  the  more 
conservative  element  retired  to  the  interior,  and  there  became  merged 
with  the  mountain  people.  To  the  Spaniards,  the  Christianized  na- 
tives became  known  as  Ilocano,  while  the  people  of  the  mountain 
valleys  were  called  Tinguian,  or  mountain  dwellers. 

If  the  foregoing  sketch  is  correct,  as  I  believe  the  data  which  follow 
prove  it  to  be,  we  find  in  the  Tinguian  of  to-day  a  people  living  much 
the  same  sort  of  life  as  did  the  members  of  the  more  advanced  groups 
at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  invasion,  and  we  can  study  in  them  early 
Philippine  society  stripped  of  its  European  veneer. 

This  second  and  concluding  section  of  Volume  XIV  gives  the 
greater  part  of  the  results  of  an  investigation  carried  on  by  me  with 
the  assistance  of  Mrs.  Cole  among  the  Tinguian,  from  January,  1907, 
to  June,  1908;  the  funds  for  which  were  furnished  Field  Museum  of 
Natural  History  by  the  late  Robert  F.  Cummings.  The  further  gen- 
erosity of  Mrs.  Cummings,  in  contributing  a  fund  toward  the  printing 
of  this  publication  is  also  gratefully  acknowledged. 

A  collection  of  texts  and  a  study  of  the  language  are  contemplated 
for  a  separate  volume,  as  is  also  the  detailed  treatment  of  the  anthropo- 
metric data. 

For  the  transcription  of  the  phonograph  records  and  the  chapter 
on  Music,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Albert  Gale.  His  painstaking  analysis 
establishes  beyond  question  the  value  of  the  phonograph  as  an  aid 
in  ethnographic  research. 

The  photographs,  unless  otherwise  noted,  were  taken  by  the  author 
in  the  field. 


1.     GEOGRAPHICAL  RELATIONS  AND  HISTORY 

The  Tinguian  are  a  pagan  Philippine  people  who  inhabit  chiefly 
the  mountain  province  of  Abra  in  northwestern  Luzon.  From  this 
center  their  settlements  radiate  in  all  directions.  To  the  north  and 
west,  they  extend  into  Ilocos  Sur  and  Norte  as  far  as  Kabittaoran. 
Manabo,  on  the  south,  is  their  last  settlement;  but  Barit,  Amtuagan, 
Gayaman,  and  Luluno  are  Tinguian  mixed  with  Igorot  from  Agawa 
and  Sagada.  Villaviciosa  is  an  Igorot  settlement  from  Sagada,  but 
Bulilising,  still  farther  south,  is  predominantly  Tinguian.  Sigay  in 
Amburayan  is  said  to  be  made  up  of  emigrants  from  Abra,  while  a  few 
rancherias  in  Lepanto  are  likewise  much  influenced.  The  non-Chris- 
tian population  of  Ilocos  Sur,  south  of  Vigan,  is  commonly  called 
Tinguian,  but  only  seven  villages  are  properly  so  classed  ;x  four  others 
are  inhabited  by  a  mixed  population,  while  the  balance  are  Igorot  col- 
onies from  Titipan,  Sagada,  and  Fidilisan.  Along  the  Cordillera  Cen- 
tral, from  the  head-waters  of  the  Saltan  (Malokbot)  river  as  far 
south  as  Balatok,  is  found  a  population  of  mixed  Tinguian,  Kalinga, 
and  Igorot  blood.  Kalinga  predominates  north  of  Balbalasang  and 
along  the  Gobang  river,  while  the  Igorot  is  dominant  in  Guina-an, 
Lubuagan,  and  Balatok.  Tinguian  intermarriage  has  not  extended  far 
beyond  Balbalasang,  but  their  culture  and  dress  have  affected  the  whole 
region.2  From  this  belt  there  have  been  extensive  migrations  into 
Abra,  the  newcomers  for  the  most  part  marrying  with  the  Tinguian, 
but  in  the  Ikmin  river  valley  emigrants  from  Balatok  formed  the 
towns  of  Danok,  Amti,  and  Doa-angan,  which  have  remained  quite  iso- 
lated up  to  the  present  time.  Agsimao  and  other  towns  of  the  Tineg 
group,  in  the  extreme  northern  end  of  Abra,  are  made  up  chiefly  of 
Apayao  mixed  with  Kalinga,  while  all  the  villages  on  the  headwaters 
of  the  Binongan  have  received  emigrants  from  the  Kagayan  side. 
The  population  of  the  towns  properly  classed  as  Tinguian  is  approxi- 
mately twenty  thousand  individuals.3 

1  These  are  Ballasio,  Nagbuquel,  Vandrell,  Rizal,  Mision,  Mambog,  and 
Masingit.  Kadangla-an,  Pila,  Kolongbuyan  (Sapang)  and  Montero  are  mixed 
Tinguian  and  Igorot. 

"See  Cole,  The  Tinguian  (Philippine  Journal  of  Science,  Vol.  Ill,  No.  4, 
Sect.  A,  1908,  pp.  197,  et  seq.). 

3Beyer  (Population  of  the  Philippine  Islands  in  1916,  p.  74,  Manila,  1917) 
gives  the  population  as  27,648. 

238 


Geographical  Relations  and  History  239 

From  the  foregoing  it  is  seen  that,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  vil- 
lages of  mixed  descent,  all  their  territory  lies  on  the  western  side  of  the 
Cordillera  Central,1  the  great  mountain  range  which  runs  from  north 
to  south  through  northern  Luzon. 

As  one  emerges  from  the  jungle,  which  covers  the  eastern  slopes  of 
these  mountains,  and  looks  down  over  the  province  of  Abra,  he  sees 
an  exceedingly  broken  land  (Plates  I  and  II),  the  subordinate  ranges 
succeeding  one  another  like  the  waves  of  the  sea.  The  first  impres- 
sion is  one  of  barrenness.  The  forest  vanishes,  and  in  its  place  are 
long  grassy  slopes,  broken  here  and  there  by  scattered  pines  and  lower 
down  by  dense  growths  of  the  graceful,  feathery  bamboo.  But  this 
lack  of  trees  is  more  fancied  than  real,  for  as  one  proceeds  down  any 
of  the  valleys  he  meets  with  side  canyons,  where  the  tropical  jungle 
still  holds  sway,  while  many  a  mountain  side  is  covered  with  a  dense 
undergrowth  of  shrubs,  plants,  and  vines.  It  seems  probable  that  the 
forest  once  covered  the  western  slopes  of  the  mountains,  but  accident 
and  intention  on  the  part  of  man  has  cleared  broad  sections.  As  soon 
as  the  shade  is  removed,  the  land  is  invaded  by  a  coarse  grass  (the 
cogon),  and  this  is  burned  over  each  year  in  order  to  provide  feed  for 
the  stock  and  to  make  good  hunting  grounds.  The  young  trees  are 
killed  off  and  reforesting  prevented. 

Numerous  streams  plunge  from  the  high  mountains  toward  the 
coast.  In  places  they  rush  through  deep  gorges  between  high  moun- 
tains, again  they  pass  peacefully  through  mountain  valleys.  Every- 
where they  are  fed  by  minor  streams  and  waterfalls  until  at  last,  as 
they  emerge  into  the  broader  valleys  of  the  Abra  and  its  tributaries, 
they  are  rivers  of  respectable  size. 

The  great  central  valley  of  Abra  is  far  from  being  a  level  plain. 
In  places,  as  about  Manabo,  Bukay,  and  Bangued,  there  are  stretches 
of  level  land ;  but,  for  the  most  part,  the  country  is  rough  and  broken. 
This  valley  is  cut  off  from  the  sea  by  the  Coast  Range  of  mountains 
which  forms  the  provincial  line  between  Abra  and  Ilocos  Sur,  while 
another  heavy  spur  forms  the  northern  limits  of  Abra  from  Ilocos  Sur 
to  the  Cordillera  Central.  Two  small  and  rather  difficult  passes  af- 
ford entrance  from  the  coastal  plain  into  the  valley,  but  the  chief  ave- 
nue of  communication  is  the  cut  through  which  the  Abra  river  reaches 
the  sea.  So  narrow  is  this  entrance  that,  at  high  water,  the  river  com- 
pletely covers  the  floor  and  often  raises  its  waters  ten  or  fifteen  feet  up 
the  canyon  side.  In  recent  years  a  road  has  been  cut  in  the  rocks  above 
the  flood  waters,  but  even  to-day  most  of  the  traffic  between  Abra  and 

JNorth  of  Abra  it  is  known  as  the  Cordillera  Norte. 


240  The  Tinguian 

the  coast  is  carried  on  by  means  of  rafts  which  are  poled  up  the  river.1 

The  rainfall  averages  about  one  hundred  inches,  and  most  of  this 
precipitation  takes  place  between  May  and  the  end  of  September. 
This,  coupled  with  the  lack  of  forest,  causes  the  rivers  to  become 
rushing  torrents  during  the  rainy  season,  while  during  the  balance  of 
the  year  most  of  them  are  mere  rivulets.  Under  these  conditions  there 
has  been  no  development  of  navigation  by  the  mountaineers.  On  oc- 
casion they  may  construct  a  bamboo  raft,  but  they  possess  no  boats 
of  any  description. 

The  great  fluctuation  of  the  streams  makes  fishing  an  uncertain 
occupation ;  yet  at  least  a  dozen  varieties  of  fish  are  known,  and  enough 
are  taken  to  add  materially  to  the  food  supply. 

Deer  and  pig  are  fairly  abundant,  and  a  considerable  number  is 
killed  each  year;  wild  carabao  roam  the  mountain  sides  and  unin- 
habited valleys,,  but  they  are  dangerous  animals,  and  can  seldom  be 
taken  with  the  primitive  weapons  of  the  natives.  Wild  chickens  are 
plentiful,  and  many  are  snared,  together  with  smaller  birds.  In  fact, 
there  is  sufficient  game  and  fish  to  support  a  considerable  population, 
if  the  people  would  turn  seriously  to  their  capture,  so  that  the  oft  re- 
peated statement  that  the  mountaineers  of  Abra  were  forced  to  agri- 
culture is  not  entirely  accurate.  It  seems  much  more  probable  that,  at 
the  time  of  their  entrance  into  the  interior  valleys,  the  Tinguian  were 
already  acquainted  with  terraced  hillside  fields,  and  that  they  devel- 
oped them  as  needed. 

The  soil  is  fairly  fertile,  the  rainfall  abundant  during  the  growing 
season,  and  the  climate  warm  enough  to  insure  good  crops.  The  ther- 
mometer ranges  between  8o°  and  85 °  during  the  day,  but  there  is  gen- 
erally a  land  or  sea  breeze,  so  that  actual  discomfort  from  the  heat  is 
unusual.  The  nights  are  somewhat  cooler,  but  a  drop  of  a  few  de- 
grees is  felt  so  keenly  that  a  person  may  be  uncomfortarble  at  700. 

Fogs  and  cold  rains  are  not  uncommon  during  the  wet  season, 
while  one  or  more  typhoons  can  be  expected  each  year.  Earthquakes 
are  likewise  of  occasional  occurrence,  but  the  construction  of  the 
houses  is  such  that  storms  and  earthquakes  do  much  less  damage  than 
along  the  coast. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  natural  ruggedness  of  the  country  and 
the  long  rainy  season  have  had  a  strong  influence  on  the  people,  but 
this  has  been  chiefly  in  isolating  them  in  small  groups.     The  high 

1  This  river  traffic  is  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Christianized  Ilocano. 
Rafts  seldom  proceed  up  the  river  beyond  Bangued,  the  capital,  and  at  low 
water  even  this  distance  is  negotiated  with  difficulty. 


Geographical  Relations  and  History  241 

mountains  separating  the  narrow  valleys,  the  lack  of  water  transpor- 
tation, the  difficulty  of  maintaining  trails,  have  all  tended  to  keep  the 
people  in  small  communities,  while  the  practice  of  head-hunting  has 
likewise  raised  a  barrier  to  free  communication.  Thus,  the  settle- 
ments within  a  limited  area  have  become  self-sustaining  groups;  a 
condition  which  has  existed  long  enough  to  allow  for  the  development 
of  five  dialects. 

The  traditions  of  the  Tinguian  furnish  us  with  no  stories  of  an 
earlier  home  than  Luzon,  but  there  are  many  accounts  of  migrations 
from  the  coast  back  into  the  mountains,  after  the  arrival  of  the  Span- 
iards and  the  Christianization  of  the  Ilocano.  The  fact  that  there  is 
an  historical  background  for  these  tales  is  amply  proven  by  fragments 
of  pottery  and  the  like,  which  the  writer  has  recovered  from  the  re- 
ported sites  of  ancient  settlements. 

The  part  played  by  this  people  in  Philippine  history  is  small  in- 
deed, and  most  of  the  references  to  them  have  been  of  an  incidental 
nature. 

Apparently,  they  first  came  in  contact  with  the  Spanish  in  1572 
when  Salcedo  was  entrusted  with  the  task  of  subduing  that  part  of 
Luzon  now  known  as  the  Ilocano  provinces.  The  people  he  encoun- 
tered are  described  as  being  more  barbarous  than  the  Tagalog,  not  so 
light  complexioned,  nor  so  well  clad,  but  husbandmen  who  possessed 
large  fields,  and  whose  land  abounded  in  rice  and  cotton. 

Their  villages  were  of  considerable  size,  and  each  was  ruled  over 
by  a  local  headman  who  owed  allegiance  to  no  central  authority. 
There  was  a  uniform,  well  recognized  code  of  law  or  custom,  and  a 
considerable  part  of  the  population  could  read  and  write  in  a  native 
script  similar  to  that  of  the  Tagalog.  They  also  possessed  gold,  which 
was  reported  to  have  come  from  rich  mines  in  the  interior,  and  on 
primitive  forges  were  turning  out  excellent  steel  weapons,  but  the  use 
of  fire-arms  was  unknown.  According  to  Reyes,  their  weapons  con- 
sisted of  lances,  bows  and  arrows,  bolos,  great  shields  which  pro- 
tected them  from  head  to  foot,  blow  guns  and  poisoned  arrows.  The 
newcomers  also  found  a  flourishing  trade  being  carried  on  with  Man- 
ila and  the  settlements  in  Pangasinan,  as  well  as  with  the  Chinese. 
This  trade  was  of  such  importance  that,  as  early  as  1580  pirate  fleets 
from  Japan  frequently  scoured  the  coast  in  search  of  Chinese  vessels 
and  goods,  while  from  time  to  time  Japanese  traders  visited  the 
Ilocos  ports. 

Apparently  trade  relations  were  not  interrupted  for  a  considerable 
time  after  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  for  in  1629  Medina  states  that 


242  The  Tinguian 

ships  from  China,  Macao,  and  India  "are  accustomed  to  anchor  in 
these  ports — and  all  to  the  advantage  of  this  district."1 

That  pre-Spanish  trade  was  not  restricted  to  the  Ilocos  provinces, 
but  was  active  along  the  whole  northern  coast  of  Luzon  has  been 
amply  proved  by  many  writers.  In  fact,  the  inhabitants  of  Pangasinan 
not  only  had  trade  relations  with  Borneo,  Japan,  and  China,2  but  it  now 
seems  probable  that  they  can  be  identified  as  the  Ping-ka-shi-lan  who, 
as  early  as  1406,  sent  an  embassy  to  China  with  gifts  of  horses,  silver, 
and  other  objects  for  the  emperor  Yung-lo.3 

Trade  relations  of  an  even  earlier  date  are  evident  throughout  all 
this  area,  in  the  presence  far  in  the  interior  of  Chinese  pottery  of  the 
fourteenth  century  and  possibly  of  the  tenth.4 

With  friendly  relations  so  long  established,  it  is  to  be  expected 
that  many  evidences  of  Chinese  material  culture  would  be  found  in  all 
the  northern  provinces;  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  a  considerable 
amount  of  Chinese  blood  may  have  been  introduced  into  the  popula- 
tion in  ancient  times,  as  it  has  been  during  the  historic  period.  It 
does  not  seem  probable,  however,  that  either  the  influence  of  Chinese 
blood  or  culture  need  have  been  stronger  in  the  Ilocos  provinces  than 
in  the  other  regions  which  they  visited. 

When  Salcedo  attempted  a  landing  at  Vigan,  he  was  at  first  op- 
posed ;  but  the  superior  weapons  of  the  Spaniards  quickly  overcame 
all  resistance,  and  the  invaders  took  possession  of  the  city,  which  they 
rechristened  Fernandino.  From  this  center  they  carried  on  an  ener- 
getic campaign  of  reduction  and  Christianization.  As  fast  as  the  na- 
tives accepted  the  rule  of  Spain,  they  were  baptized  and  taken  into  the 
church,  and  so  rapid  was  the  process  that  by  1587  the  Ilocano  were 
reported  to  be  Christianized.5    In  fact,  force  played  such  a  part  that 

1  Historical  references  to  this  trade,  as  well  as  to  the  Spanish  invasion  of 
Ilocos,  will  be  found  in  Reyes,  Historia  de  Ilocos,  Manila,  1890;  Fray  Gas- 
par  de  S.  Augustin,  Conquista  de  las  Islas  Filipinas  (Manila,  1698),  p.  267; 
Medina,  Historia,  translated  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  The  Philippine  Islands, 
Vol.  XXIII,  pp.  279,  et  seq.  See  also  translation  of  Loarca  and  others  in  same 
publication,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  73,  note;  Vol.  V,  p.  109;  Vol.  XV,  p.  51;  Vol.  XVII, 
p.  285. 

'  Loraca,  1582,  translated  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  V,  p.  105. 

3  Laufer,  Relations  of  the  Chinese  to  the  Philippine  Islands  (Smithsonian 
Miscellaneous  Collections,  Vol.  I,  pp.  256,  et  seq.) 

*  Cole  and  Laufer,  Chinese  Pottery  in  the  Philippines  (Field  Museum 
of  Natural  History,  Vol.  XII,  No.  1). 

5  Blair  and  Robertson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  XVII,  p.  285 ;  also  III,  p.  73,  note  ; 
V,  p.  109;  XV,  p.  51. 


Geographical  Relations  and  History  243 

Fray  Martin  de  Herrada,  who  wrote  from  Ilocos  in  June,  1574,  pro- 
tested that  the  reduction  was  accomplished  through  fear,  for  if  the 
people  remained  in  their  villages  and  received  the  rule  of  Spain  and 
the  Church,  they  were  accepted  as  friends  and  forthwith  compelled 
to  pay  tribute;  but  if  they  resisted  and  fled  to  other  settlements,  the 
troops  followed  and  pillaged  and  laid  waste  their  new  dwellings.1 

Paralleling  the  coast,  a  few  miles  inland,  is  a  range  of  mountains 
on  the  far  side  of  which  lie  the  broad  valleys  of  the  Abra  river  and 
its  tributaries.  The  more  conservative  elements  of  the  population  re- 
treated to  the  mountain  valleys,  and  from  these  secure  retreats  bade 
defiance  to  the  newcomers  and  their  religion.  To  these  mountaineers 
was  applied  the  name  Tinguianes — a  term  at  first  used  to  designate 
the  mountain  dwellers  throughout  the  Islands,  but  later  usually  re- 
stricted to  his  tribe.2  The  Tinguian  themselves  do  not  use  or  know 
the  appellation,  but  call  themselves  Itneg,  a  name  which  should  be  used 
for  them  but  for  the  fact  that  they  are  already  established  in  literature 
under  the  former  term. 

Although  they  were  in  constant  feuds  among  themselves,  the  inoun  - 
tain  people  do  not  appear  to  have  given  the  newcomers  much  trouble 
until  toward  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  hostile  raids 
against  the  coast  settlements  became  rather  frequent.  To  protect  the 
Christianized  natives,  as  well  as  to  aid  in  the  conversion  of  these 
heathens,  the  Spanish,  in  1598,  entered  the  valley  of  the  Abra  and 
established  a  garrison  at  the  village  of  Bangued.3 

As  before,  the  natives  abandoned  their  homes  and  retreated  several 
miles  farther  up  the  river,  where  they  established  the  settlement  of 
Lagangilang. 

From  Bangued  as  a  center,  the  Augustinian  friars  worked  tire- 
lessly to  convert  the  pagans,  but  with  so  little  success  that  San  An- 
tonio,4 writing  in  1738,  says  of  the  Tinguian,  that  little  fruit  was 


'Blair  and  Robertson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  XXXIV,  pp.  287,  et  seq. 

'Colin  (Labor  Evangelica,  Chap.  IV  Madrid  1663),  calls  the  Manguian  of 
Mindoro  and  the  Zambal,  Tingues.  Morga,  Chirino,  and  Ribera  also  use  the 
same  name  for  the  natives  of  Basilan,  Bohol,  and  Mindanao  (see  Blair  and 
Robertson,  op  cit.,  Vols.  IV,  p.  300;  X,  p.  71;  XIII,  pp.  137,205).  Later  writ- 
ers have  doubtless  drawn  on  these  accounts  to  produce  the  weird  descriptions 
sometimes  given  of  the  Tinguian  now  under  discussion.  It  is  said  (op.  cit., 
Vol.  XL,  p.  97,  note)  that  the  radical  ngian,  in  Pampanga,  indicates  "ancient," 
a  meaning  formerly  held  in  other  Philippine  languages,  and  hence  Tinguian 
would  probably  mean  "old  or  ancient,  or  aboriginal  mountain  dwellers." 

"Reyes,  Historia  de  Ilocos,  p.  151  (Manila,  1890),  also  Filipinas  articulos 
varios,  p.  345  (Manila,  1887)  ;  Blair  and  Robertson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  XIV, 
pp.  158-159;  Vol.  XXVIII,  p.  167). 

4Blair  and  Robertson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  XXVIII,  p.  158. 


244  The  Tinguian 

obtained,  despite  extensive  missions,  and  that  although  he  had  made 
extraordinary  efforts,  he  had  even  failed  to  learn  their  number. 

In  the  mountains  of  Ilocos  Sur,  the  missionaries  met  with  somewhat 
better  success,  and  in  1704  Olarte  states  that  in  the  two  preceding 
years  one  hundred  and  fifty-six  "infidel  Tinguianes"  had  been  con- 
verted and  baptized.  Again,  in  1760,  four  hundred  and  fifty-four 
converts  are  reported  to  have  been  formed  into  the  villages  of  San- 
tiago, Magsingal,  and  Batak.1  About  this  time  the  work  in  Abra  also 
took  on  a  more  favorable  aspect;  by  1753  three  Tinguian  villages, 
with  a  combined  population  of  more  than  one  thousand,  had  been 
established  near  Bangued,  and  in  the  next  century  five  more  settle- 
ments were  added  to  this  list.2 

In  general  the  relations  between  the  pagan  and  Christianized  na- 
tives were  not  cordial,  and  oftentimes  they  were  openly  hostile ;  but 
despite  mutual  distrust  the  coast  people  have  on  several  occasions  en- 
listed the  aid  of  the  mountaineers  against  outside  enemies.  In  1660 
a  serious  revolt  occurred  in  Pangasinan  and  Zambales,  and  the  rebels, 
after  gaining  control  of  these  provinces,  started  on  a  looting  expedition 
in  the  northern  districts.  In  the  face  of  strong  resistance  they  pro- 
ceeded as  far  north  as  Badok,  in  Ilocos  Sur,  burning  and  pillaging 
many  villages  including  the  capital  city  of  Vigan  (Fernandino).  The 
Tinguian  came  to  the  aid  of  the  hard-pressed  Ilocano,  and  their  com- 
bined forces  fell  upon  the  enemy  just  outside  the  village  of  Narbacan. 
The  tribesmen  had  previously  made  the  road  almost  impassable  by 
planting  it  thickly  with  sharpened  sticks ;  and,  while  the  invaders  were 
endeavoring  to  remove  these  obstacles,  they  set  upon  them  with  great 
fury  and,  it  is  said,  succeeded  in  killing  more  than  four  hundred  of  the 
Zambal,  a  part  of  whom  they  beheaded.3 

As  Spanish  rule  was  extended  into  the  Tinguian  territory,  Ilocano 
settlers  pressed  in  and  acquired  holdings  of  land.  This  led  to  many 
bitter  disputes  which  were  consistently  settled  in  favor  of  the  con- 
verts ;  but  at  the  same  time  many  inducements  were  offered  the  pagans 
to  get  them  into  the  Christianized  village.  All  converts  were  to  be 
exempted  from  paying  tribute,  while  their  villages  received  many 
favors  withheld  from  the  pagan  settlements.     This  failing  to  bring 

1  Antonio  Mozo,  Noticia  historico-natural  (Madrid,  1763),  in  Blair  and 
Robertson,  Vol.  XLVIII,  p.  69. 

2  These  were:  Tayum  1803;  Pidigan  1823;  La  Paz  and  San  Gregorio  1832; 
Bukay  (Labon)  1847.  For  further  details  of  this  mission  see  Villacorta, 
Breve  resumen  de  los  progresos  de  la  Religion  Catolica  en  la  admirable  conver- 
sion de  los  indios  Igorotes  y  Tinguianes   (Madrid,  1831). 

s  Blair  and  Robertson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  XXXVIII,  p.  199. 


Geographical  Relations  and  History  245 

the  desired  results,  all  the  nearby  villages  of  the  Tinguian  were  in- 
corporated with  the  civilized  pueblos,  and  thereafter  they  had  to  fur- 
nish the  major  part  of  all  taxes  and  most  of  the  forced  labor. 

Following  the  appointment  of  Gov.  Esteban  de  Pennarubia  in  1868, 
the  tribesmen  suffered  still  greater  hardships.  Under  his  orders  all 
those  who  refused  baptism  were  to  be  expelled  from  the  organized 
communities,  an  edict  which  meant  virtual  banishment  from  their  old 
homes  and  confiscation  of  their  property.  Further,  no  Tinguian  in 
native  dress  was  to  be  allowed  to  enter  the  towns.  "Conversions"  in- 
creased with  amazing  rapidity,  but  when  it  was  learned  that  many  of 
the  new  converts  still  practiced  their  old  customs,  the  governor  had 
the  apostates  seized  and  imprisoned.  The  hostile  attitude  of  Penna- 
rubia encouraged  adventurers  from  the  coast  in  the  seizure  of  lands 
and  the  exploitation  of  the  pagans,  and  thus  a  deep  resentment  was 
added  to  the  dislike  the  Tinguian  already  held  for  "the  Christians." 
Yet,  despite  the  many  causes  for  hostility,  steady  trade  relations  have 
been  maintained  between  the  two  groups,  and  the  influence  of  the  Ilo- 
cano  has  been  increasingly  strong.  A  little  more  than  a  half  century 
ago  head-hunting  was  still  common  even  in  the  valley  of  Abra,  where 
it  is  now  practically  unknown.  As  a  matter  of  dire  necessity  the 
mountain  people  made  raids  of  reprisal  against  the  hostile  Igorot  vil- 
lages on  the  eastern  side  of  the  great  mountain  range,  and  it  is  still 
the  proud  boast  of  many  a  man  in  the  vicinity  of  Manabo  that  he  took 
part  in  the  raid  which  netted  that  village  a  score  of  heads  from  the 
towns  of  Balatok  and  Lubuagan.  But,  as  will  be  seen  later,  head- 
hunting was  by  no  means  limited  to  forays  against  other  tribes ;  local 
feuds,  funeral  observances,  and  the  desire  for  renown,  all  encouraged 
the  warriors  to  seek  heads  even  from  nearby  settlements.  Those  incen- 
tives have  not  been  entirely  removed,  'and  an  occasional  head  is  still 
taken  in  the  mountain  districts,  but  the  influence  of  the  Ilocano, 
backed  by  Spanish  and  American  authority,  is  rapidly  making  this 
sport  a  thing  of  the  past. 

The  rule  of  Governor  Pennarubia  had  so  embittered  the  Tinguian 
against  the  "white  man"  that  a  considerable  number  joined  the  in- 
surrecto  troops  to  fight  against  the  Spaniards  and  Americans.  These 
warriors,  armed  with  spears,  shields,  and  head-axes,  made  their  way 
to  Malolos,  where  they  joined  the  Filipino  troops  the  day  of  the  first 
American  bombardment.  The  booming  of  cannon  and  the  bursting 
of  shells  were  too  much  for  the  warriors,  and,  as  they  express  it,  "the 
first  gun  was  the  beginning  of  their  going  home." 

Friendly   relations  with  the  insurgents  were  early  destroyed  by 


246  The  Tinguian 

bands  of  armed  robbers  who,  posing  as  Filipino  troops,  looted  a  num- 
ber of  Tinguian  villages.  In  several  localities  the  tribesmen  retaliated 
by  levying  tribute  on  the  Christianized  villages,  and  in  some  instances 
took  a  toll  of  heads  to  square  accounts.  At  this  juncture  the  Americans 
appeared  in  Abra,  and  the  considerate  treatment  of  the  pagans  by  the 
soldiers  soon  won  for  them  a  friendly  reception.  Later,  as  the  result 
of  the  efforts  of  Commissioner  Worcester,  the  Tinguian  villages  were 
made  independent  of  Ilocano  control,  and  the  people  were  given  the 
full  right  to  conduct  their  own  affairs,  so  long  as  they  did  not  disturb 
the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  province. 

Under  American  -  rule  the  Tinguian  have  proved  themselves  to  be 
quiet,  peaceable  citizens ;  a  few  minor  disturbances  have  occurred, 
but  none  of  sufficient  importance  to  necessitate  the  presence  of  troops 
in  their  district.  They  have  received  less  attention  from  the  Govern- 
ment than  most  of  the  pagan  tribes,  but,  even  so,  a  measure  of  prog- 
ress is  discernible.  They  still  stoutly  resist  the  advances  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, but  the  few  schools  which  have  been  opened  for  their  chil- 
dren have  always  been  crowded  to  overflowing;  trade  relations  are 
much  freer  and  more  friendly  than  a  decade  ago ;  and  with  the  removal 
of  unequal  taxes  and  labor  requirements,  the  feelings  of  hostility 
towards  "the  Christians"  are  rapidly  vanishing.  It  now  seems 
probable  that  within  one  or  two  generations  the  Tinguian  will  again 
merge  with  the  Ilocano. 


II.     PHYSICAL  TYPE  AND  RELATIONSHIPS 

From  the  time  of  the  Spanish  invasion  up  to  the  present,  nearly 
every  author  who  has  mentioned  the  people  of  northern  Luzon  has 
described  the  Tinguian  as  being  different  from  other  Philippine  tribes. 
The  majority  of  these  writers  has  pictured  them  as  being  of  larger 
stature  than  their  neighbors;  as  lighter  in  color,  possessing  aquiline 
features  and  mongoloid  eyes;  as  being  tranquil  and  pacific  in  charac- 
ter, and  having  a  great  aptitude  for  agriculture.  From  these  char- 
acteristics they  have  concluded  that  they  are  probably  descended  from 
early  Chinese  traders,  emigrants,  or  castaways,  or  are  derived  from 
the  remnants  of  the  pirate  band  of  the  Chinese  corsair  Limahon  (Lin- 
fung),  which  fled  into  the  mountains  of  Pangasinan  after  his  defeat 
by  Salcedo  in  1574. 

These  conjectures  are  strengthened  by  the  reported  discovery,  in 
early  times,  of  graves  in  northwestern  Luzon,  which  contained  bod- 
ies of  men  of  large  stature  accompanied  by  Chinese  and  Japanese 
jewels.  The  undisputed  fact  that  hundreds  of  ancient  Chinese  jars 
and  dishes  are  still  among  the  cherished  possessions  of  the  Tinguian 
is  also  cited  as  a  further  proof  of  a  close  relationship  between  these 
peoples.  Finally  it  is  said  that  the  head-bands,  jackets,  and  wide 
trousers  of  the  men  resemble  closely  those  of  the  fishermen  of  Fukien, 
one  of  the  nearest  of  the  Chinese  provinces.1 

Two  writers,2  basing  their  observations  on  color,  physical  resem- 

1  Discussions  concerning  the  Chinese  origin  of  the  Tinguian  will  be  found 
in  Mallat,  Les  Philippines,  Vol.  I,  pp.  212-213;  Vol.  II,  pp.  104-7,  345  (Paris, 
1846)  ;  Plauchet,  L'Archipel  des  Philippines  (Revue  des  deux  Mondes,  1887, 
p.  442) ;  Buzeto  y  Bravo,  Diccionario  geografico  estadistico  historico;  Semper, 
Die  Philippinen  und  ihre  Bewohner  ( Wurzburg,  1869)  ',  Blumentritt,  Versuch 
einer  Ethnographie  der  Philippinen  (Petcrman's  Mittheilungen,  1882,  No.  67)  ; 
Reyes,  Die  Tinguianen  (Mittheilungen  K.  K.  Geogr.  Gesellscliaft  in  Wien,  1887, 
p.  5,  et  seq.)  ;  Reyes,  Filipinas  articulos  varios  (Manila,  1887)  ;  Sanchez  y 
Ruiz,  Razas  de  Filipinas,  usos  y  custombres,  Memoria  Exposicion  General, 
pp.  51,  60,  138  (Manila,  1887)  ;  Montblanc,  Les  Isles  Philippines,  p.  22  (Paris, 
1887)  ;  Montero  y  Vidal,  El  Archipelago  Filipino,  p.  289  (Manila,  1886)  ; 
Bowring,  A  Visit  to  the  Philippines,  p.  171  (London,  1859)  ',  Sawyer,  The  In- 
habitants of  the  Philippines,  p.  276  (London,  1900)  ;  Zuniga,  Historia,  pp.  19-38 
(Sampaloc,  1803);  Colin,  Labor  evangelica,  Vol.  I,  chaps.  4,  12-14  (Madrid, 
1663)  ;  Blair  and  Robertson  (The  Philippine  Islands,  Vol.  XL,  pp.  316,  et  seq.) 
give  a  translation  of  San  Antonio  Chronicas,  written  in  Manila  between  1738- 
44,  also  of  Colin,  Labor  evangelica,  of  1663;  Brinton,  The  Peoples  of  the 
Philippines  (Am.  Anthropologist,  Vol.  XI,  1898,  p.  302). 

'Paul  de  la  Gironiere,  Vingt  annees  aux  Philippines  (Paris,  1853); 
Stuntz,  The  Philippines  and  the  Far  East,  p.  36  (New  York,  1904). 

247 


248  The  Tinguian 

blances,  and  the  fact  that  the  Tinguian  blacken  their  teeth  and  tattoo 
their  bodies,  are  convinced  that  they  are  the  descendants  of  Japanese 
castaways;  while  Moya1  states  that  the  features,  dress,  and  customs 
of  this  people  indicate  their  migration  from  the  region  of  the  Red 
Sea  in  pre-Mohammedan  times. 

Finally,  Quatrefages  and  Hamy  are  quoted  as  regarding  the  Tin- 
guian as  modern  examples  of  "the  Indonesian,  an  allophylic  branch 
of  the  pure  white  race,  non-Aryan,  therefore,  who  went  forth  from 
India  about  500  B.  C."2 

Dr.  Barrows3  classes  all  the  pagan  tribes  of  northern  Luzon — the 
pygmies  excepted — with  the  Igorot,  a  position  assailed  by  Worces- 
ter,4 particularly  in  regard  to  the  Tinguian;  but  the  latter  writer  is 
convinced  that  the  Apayao  and  Tinguian  are  divisions  of  the  same 
people,  who  have  been  separated   only  a  comparatively  short  time. 

In  the  introduction  to  the  present  volume  (p.  236)  I  have  expressed 
the  opinion  that  the  Tinguian  and  Ilocano  are  identical,  and  that  they 
form  one  of  the  waves  of  a  series  which  brought  the  Apayao  and 
western  Kalinga  to  northern  Luzon,  a  wave  which  reached  the  Islands 
at  a  later  period  than  that  represented  by  the  Igorot,  and  which 
originated  in  a  somewhat  different  region  of  southeastern  Asia.0 

In  order  to  come  to  a  definite  decision  concerning  these  various 
theories,  we  shall  inquire  into  the  cultural,  linguistic,  and  physical  types 
of  the  people  concerned. 

The  most  striking  cultural  differences  between  the  Igorot  and  the 
Tinguian,  indicated  in  the  introduction,  will  be  brought  out  in  more 
detail  in  the  following  pages,  as  will  also  the  evidence  of  Chinese  in- 
fluence in  this  region.     Here  it  needs  only  to  be  restated,  that  there 

1  Quoted  by  Paterno,  La  antigua  civilizacion  Tagalog,  pp.  122-123  (Madrid, 
1887). 

'  Brinton,  The  Peoples  of  the  Philippines  (Am.  Anthropologist,  Vol.  XI, 
1892,  p.  297).  See  also  De  Quatrefages,  Histoire  generate  des  races  hu- 
maines,  pp.  515-517.  527-528. 

'  Census  of  the  Philippine  Islands  of  1903,  PP-  453-477- 

4  The  Non-Christian  Tribes  of  Northern  Luzon  (Philippine  Journal  of 
Science,  Vol.  I,  pp.  798,  851,  Manila,  1906). 

s  Blumentritt  (Ethnographie  der  Philippinen,  Introduction;  also  American 
Anthropologist,  Vol.  XI,  1808,  p.  296)  has  advanced  the  theory  of  three  Malay 
invasions  into  the  Philippines.  To  the  first,  which  is  put  at  about  200  b.  c,  be- 
long the  Igorot,  Apayao,  and  Tinguian,  but  the  last  are  considered  as  of  a  later 
period.  The  second  invasion  occurred  about  a.d.  100-500,  and  includes  the 
Tagalog,  Visaya,  Ilocano,  and  other  alphabet-using  peoples.  The  third  is  rep- 
resented by  the  Mohammedan  groups  which  began  to  enter  the  Islands  in  the 
fourteenth  century. 


Physical  Type  and  Relationships  249 

are  radical  differences  in  social  organization,  government,  house- 
building, and  the  like,  between  the  Igorot-Ifugao  groups,  and  the 
Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga  divisions. 

All  the  tribes  of  northwestern  Luzon  belong  to  the  same  linguistic 
stock  which,  in  turn,  is  closely  related  to  the  other  Philippine  lan- 
guages. There  are  local  differences  sufficiently  great  to  make  it  im- 
possible for  people  to  communicate  when  first  brought  together,  but 
the  vocabularies  are  sufficiently  alike,  and  the  morphology  of  the 
dialects  is  so  similar  that  it  is  the  task  of  only  a  short  time  for  a 
person  conversant  with  one  idiom  to  acquire  a  speaking  and  under- 
standing knowledge  of  any  other  in  this  region.  It  is  important  to 
note  that  these  dialects  belong  to  the  Philippine  group,  and  there  seems 
to  be  very  little  evidence  of  Chinese  influence1  either  in  structure  or 
vocabulary.2 

The  various  descriptions  of  the  physical  types  have  been  of  such 
a  conflicting  nature  that  it  seems  best  at  this  point  to  present  rather 
detailed  descriptions  of  the  Tinguian,  Ilocano,  and  Apayao,  and  to 
compare  these  with  the  principal  measurements  of  the  other  tribes 
and  peoples  under  discussion. 

For  purposes  of  comparison,  the  Tinguian  have  been  divided  into 
a  valley  and  mountain  group ;  for,  as  already  indicated,  there  has  been 
a  considerable  movement  of  the  mixed  Kalinga-Igorot  people  of  the 
upper  Saltan  (Malokbot)  river,  of  Guinaan  Lubuagan  and  Balatok, 
into  the  mountain  districts  of  Abra,  and  these  immigrants  becoming 
merged  into  the  population  have  modified  the  physical  type  to  a  cer- 
tain extent. 

In  the  detailed  description  of  the  Ilocano,  all  the  subjects  have 
been  drawn  from  the  cities  of  Bangued  in  Abra,  and  Vigan  in  Ilocos 
Sur,  in  order  to  eliminate,  so  far  as  possible,  the  results  of  recent  in- 
termixture with  the  Tinguian, — a  process  which  is  continually  taking 
place  in  all  the  border  towns.  The  more  general  tabulation  includes 
Ilocano  from  all  the  northern  provinces. 

1Brinton  (Am.  Anthropologist,  Vol.  XI,  1898,  p.  302)  states  that  the  Ilo- 
cano of  northwestern  Luzon  are  markedly  Chinese  in  appearance  and  speech, 
but  he  fails  to  give  either  authorities  or  examples  to  substantiate  this  claim.  For 
Indian  influence  on  Philippine  dialects,  see  Pardo  de  Tavera,  El  sanscrito  e  la 
lingua  tagalog  (Paris,  1887)  ;  also  Williams,  Manual  and  Dictionary  of  Ilo- 
cano (Manila,  1907). 

2  A  detailed  study  of  the  language  is  not  presented  in  this  volume.  The 
author  has  a  large  collection  of  texts  which  will  be  published  at  a  later  date, 
together  with  a  study  of  the  principal  Tinguian  dialects.  A  short  description 
of  the  Ilocano  language,  by  the  writer,  will  be  found  in  the  New  International 
Encyclopaedia. 


250  The  Tinguian 

Aged   and   immature   individuals  have  been   eliminated   from  all 
the  descriptions  here  presented.1 

ILOCANO 

Observations  on  19  males  from  Vigan  and  Bangued 

Range       Average 

Height,    standing    meters     1.510  to  1.714  1.607 

Length   of   head    "  .164  to    .191  .1787 

Breadth  of  head "  .146  to     .158      .1522 

Height  of   head    "  .120  to    .144      .1316 

Breadth  of  zygomatic  arches   "  .129  to     .148  .1373 

Length  of  nose   "  .043  to     .054  .0485 

Breadth   of   nose    "  .034  to    .046  .0382 

Cephalic  index  85.1 

Length-Height  index  73.0 

Breadth-Height  index         86.2 

Nasal  index  78.7 

Eyes — Dark  brown,  3-4  of  Martin  scale. 

Hair — Often  black,  but  usually  brown-black.    50  per  cent  straight  and 
about  50  per  cent  slightly  wavy.    One  case  closely  curled. 

Forehead — Usually  high,  broad,  and  moderately  retreating,  but  some- 
times vaulted. 

Crown  and  back  of  head — Middle  arched.   Two  cases  flat. 

Face — Moderately  high;  broad  and  oval.    Three  cases  angular. 

Eye-slit — Generally  slightly  oblique,  moderately  open,  almond  shape. 
Mongolian  fold  present  in  45  per  cent. 

Nose — Root: — Middle  broad  and  moderately  high. 
Bridge : — Inclined  to  be  concave,  but  often  straight. 
Wings : — Middle  thick  and  slightly  arched  or  swelled. 

Lips: — Middle  thick  and  double  bowed  (slightly). 

Ears — Outstanding.   Lobes  generally  small  and  close  growing,  but  are 
sometimes  free. 

ILOCANO2 

Observations  made  by  Folkmar  (see  Album  of  Philippine  Types, 

Manila,  1904) 

37  Males  of  Ilocos  Norte  • 

Average 

Height,   standing    meters  1.593 

Length  of   head    "  .180 

Breadth  of  head    "  .151 

Length   of  nose    "  .055 

Breadth  of  nose  » "  .040 

Cephalic  index  84.39 

Nasal  index  73.12 

1  A  more  detailed  study  of  these  tribes  will  be  given  in  a  forthcoming  vol- 
ume on  Philippine  Physical  Types. 

2  Observations  on  13  Uocano  skulls  are  tabulated  by  Koeze  (Crania  Ethnica 
Philippinica,  pp.  56-57,  Haarlem,  1901-4). 


Physical  Type  and  Relationships  251 

59  Males  of  Uocos  Sur 

Average 

Height,    standing    meters  1.596 

Length  of   head    "  .177 

Breadth  of  head  "  .150 

Length   of   nose    "  .053 

Breadth   of   nose    "  .039 

Cephalic  index  85.06 

Nasal  index  72.95 

31  Males  of  Union  Province 

Average 

Height,   standing    meters  1.590 

Length  of  head    "  .176 

Breadth  of   head    "  .151 

Length   of   nose    "  .050 

Breadth  of  nose  "  .039 

Cephalic  index  85.72 

Nasal  index  78.63 

193  Males  from  All  Provinces 

Average 

Height,    standing    meters  1.602 

Length  of   head    "  .178 

Breadth   of   head    "  .151 

Length  of  nose    "  .052. 

Breadth  of  nose  "  .040 

Cephalic  index  84.81 

Nasal  index  75-44 


VALLEY  TINGUIAN 

Observations  on  83  males  (see  Plates  III,  IV) 

Range       Average 

Height,    standing    meters     1.48    to  1.70       1.572 

Length  of  head   "         1.65    to    .195      .181 1 

Breadth  of  head   "  .140  to    .164      .1507 

Height  of  head,  39  cases  "  .1 16  to    .144      .1337 

Breadth   of   zygomatic   arches "  .129  to     .148      .1387 

Length  of  nose  "  .042  to    .060      .0499 

Breadth  of  nose   "  .030  to    .043      .0384 

Cephalic  index  83.2 

Length-Height  index  72.5 

Breadth-Height  index         86.5 

Nasal  index  76.9 

Eyes — Dark  brown,  3-4  of  Martin  table. 

Hair — Varies  from  black  to  brownish  black.  Usually  wavy,  but 
straight  in  about  one  third. 

Forehead — Moderately  high  and  broad ;  slightly  retreating,  but  some- 
times vaulted.  Supra-orbital  ridges  strongly  developed  in  three 
cases. 

Crown  and  back  of  head — Middle  arched.   Two  cases  of  flattening. 


252  The  Tinguian 

Face — Moderately  high  and  broad;  cheek  bones  sufficiently  outstand- 
ing to  give  face  angular  appearance,  tapering  from  above,  but 
oval  faces  are  common. 
Eye-slit — Straight  or  slightly  oblique;  moderately  wide  open  and  in- 
clined to  be  almond  shaped;  Mongolian  fold  slightly  developed  in 
about  20  per  cent. 
Nose — Root : — middle  broad  and  high,  seldom  small  or  flat. 

Bridge : — middle  broad  and  usually  straight,  but  25  per  cent  are 

slightly  concave,  while  two  cases  are  convex. 
Wings : — In  most  cases  are  thin,  but  are  commonly  thick ;  both  are 
slightly  arched. 
Lips — Middle  thick  and  double  bowed  (slightly). 
Ears — Outstanding,  with  small  close-growing  lobes. 

VALLEY  TINGUIAN 
Observations  on  35  females  (see  Plates  V,  VI) 

Range       Average 

Height,    standing    meters     1.42    to  1.58  1.474 

Length  of  head   "  .161  to     .186      .1743 

Breadth  of  head  "  .136  to    .155      .1460 

Height  of  head  (22  cases)   "  .119  to    .138      .1301 

Breadth  of  zygomatic  arches  "  .123  to     .139      .1304 

Length  of  nose  "  .039  to    .056      .046 

Breadth  of  nose   ..* "  .030  to    .042      .0354 

Cephalic  index  83.7 

Length-Height  index  746 

Breadth-Height  index         88.6 

Nasal  index  76.9 

Eyes — Dark  brown,  3-4  of  Martin  table. 

Hair — Usually  brown  black,  but  black  is  common.    Sometimes  straight, 

but  generally  slightly  wavy. 
Forehead — Considerable  variation.    Usually  moderately  high,  broad, 

and  vaulted,  but  is  sometimes  low  and  moderately  retreating. 
Crown  and  back  of  head — Middle  arched.     Two  cases  of  flattening. 
Face — Moderately  high  and  oval.    In  a  few  cases  angular,  tapering 

from  above. 
Eye-slit — Generally  oblique,  moderately  open  and  almond  shape.    Is 

sometimes  straight  and  narrowly  open.    Mongolian  fold  slightly 

developed  in  about  25  per  cent. 
Nose — Root: — Moderately  broad  and  either  flat  or  slightly  elevated. 

Bridge: — Middle   broad   and   slightly   concave.     In   five   cases  is 
straight  and  in  two  is  convex. 

Wings : — Equally  divided  between  thick  and  thin.    Slightly  arched. 
Lips — Middle  thick  and  double  bowed  (slightly). 
Ears — Outstanding,  with  small,  close  growing  lobes. 


Physical  Type  and  Relationships 


253 


rs  1.45  to 

1.71 

i-57 

.171  to 

.203 

.1856 

.140  to 

.161 

•  1493 

.115  to 

•154 

.1316 

.129  to 

.149 

.1385 

.043  to 

•059 

.0512 

.033  to 

.046 

•0399 

804 

70.9 

87.4 

77-9 

MOUNTAIN  TINGUIAN 
Observations  on  62  males  (see  Plates  VII-VIII) 

Range       Average 

Height,    standing    meters 

Length  of  head  

Breadth  of  head  

Height  of  head  (59  cases)    

Breadth  of  zygomatic  arches   

Length  of  nose   (60  cases)    

Breadth  of  nose  (60  cases)   

Cephalic  index 

Length-Height  index 

Breadth-Height   index 

Nasal  index 

Eyes — Dark  brown,  3-4  of  Martin  table. 
Hair — Brown  black,  and  slightly  wavy. 

Forehead — Middle  high  to   high,   moderately  broad,   moderately  re- 
treating,  but   sometimes    vaulted.      Supra-orbital    ridges    strongly 

developed  in  five  cases. 
Crozvn  and  back  of  head — Middle  or  strongly  arched. 
Face — Moderately  high.     Cheek  bones  moderately  outstanding  giving 

face  angular  appearance,  tapering  from  above.   In  seven  cases  face 

is  oval. 
Eye-slit — Sometimes  straight,  but  usually  slightly  oblique,  moderately 

open,  almond  shape.    Mongolian  fold  in  five  cases. 
Nose — Root : — Middle   broad    and    moderately   high,    but   sometimes 
high. 

Bridge : — Middle  broad   and   straight.    Seven  cases  concave  and 
three  convex. 

Wings : — Middle  thick  and  arched. 
Lips — Middle  thick,  sometimes  thin ;  double  bowed. 
Ears — Outstanding;  lobes  generally  small  and  close  growing. 


MOUNTAIN  TINGUIAN 


Observations  on  16  females  (see 

Height,    standing    meters 

Length  of  head  

Breadth  of  head  

Height  of  head  

Breadth  of  zygomatic  arches  

Length  of  nose   

Breadth  of  nose  


Plates  IX-X) 

Range       Average 


1.38  to 
.163  to 
.137  to 
.119  to 
.125  to 
.039  to 
.034  to 


1.53 
.188 

.155 
•137 

.138 

•054 

.042 


Cephalic  index  80.1 

Length-Height  index  73.1 

Breadth-Height  index  90.0 

Nasal  index  79-8 


1.482 
.1782 

•  1452 

•  1303 
1327 

.0461 
.0368 


254  The  Tinguian 

Eyes — Dark  brown,  3-4  of  Martin  table. 

Hair — Brown-black  and  slightly  wavy. 

Forehead — Moderately  high  and  broad;  moderately  retreating. 

Crown  and  back  of  head — Middle  arched. 

Face — Moderately  high  and  generally  oval ;  sometimes  angular  taper- 
ing from  above. 

Eye-slit — About  equally  divided  between  straight  and  oblique;  mod- 
erately open.  Mongolian  fold  slightly  developed  in  one  third  of 
cases. 

Nose — Root: — Moderately  broad  and  nearly  flat,  but  sometimes  mod- 
erately high. 
Bridge : — Middle  broad  and  inclined  to  be  concave.    Straight  noses 

occur. 
Wings : — Usually  thin  and  inclined  to  be  swelled. 

Lips — Middle  thick  and  inclined  to  be  double  bowed. 

Ears — Outstanding.   Lobes  small  and  close  growing. 

APAYAO 

Observations  on  32  males 

Range       Average 

Height,    standing    meters     1.48    to  1.70  1.587 

Length  of  head  "  .175  to    .199      .1877 

Breadth  of  head  "  .137  to    .158      .1492 

Height  of  head   "  .1 19  to    .155      .1331 

Breadth  of  zygomatic  arches   "  .130  to     .149      .1418 

Length  of  nose   "  .040  to    .054      .0466 

Breadth  of  nose  "  .035  to    .044      .0390 

Cephalic  index  79.5 

Length-Height  index  70.9 

Breadth-Height  index  89.2 

Nasal  index  83.6 

Eyes — Dark  brown,  1  to  4  in  Martin  table. 

Hair — Brown  black  and  wavy. 

Forehead — High  and  generally  moderately  retreating,  but   in  about 

one  third  is  vaulted.    Supra-orbital  ridges  strongly  developed  in 

six  cases. 
Crown  and  back  of  head — Rather  strongly  arched.  Six  cases  (all  from 

one  village)  showed  slight  flattening  of  occipital  region. 
Face — Usually  high.    The   cheek  bones  are  moderately   outstanding 

giving  face  angular  appearance,  tapering   from  above.    In  eight 

cases  face  tapers  from  below,  and  in  nine  is  oval. 
Eye-slit — Usually  oblique,  moderately  open,  almond  shape.   Mongolian 

fold  in  about  50  per  cent. 
Nose — Root: — Middle  broad  and  flat  or  slightly  elevated. 


Physical  Type  and  Relationships  255 

Bridge: — Middle  broad  and  slightly  or  strongly  concave.    Seven 
instances  of  straight  noses  occur. 

Wings : — Middle  thick,  arched  or  swelled. 
Lips — Middle  thick  and  slightly  double  bowed. 
Ears — Outstanding.    Lobes  small  and  close  growing. 

BONTOC  IGOROT1 

Observations  by  Jenks  (see  The  Bontoc  Igorot,  Manila,  1905) 

32  males  Average          Range 

Height,   standing    meters  1.6028 

Length  of  head  "  .1921 

Breadth  of  head  "  .1520 

Length  of   nose    "  .0525 

Breadth  of  nose  "  .0462 

Cephalic    index    79-13        67.48  to    91.48 

Nasal  index    79.19        58.18  to  104.54 

In  this  group  9  are  brachycephalic 
20  are  mesaticephalic 
3  are  dolichocephalic 

Color — Ranges  from  light  brown,  with  strong  saffron  undertone,  to 

very  dark  brown  or  bronze. 
Eyes — Black  to  hazel  brown.    "Malayan"  fold  in  large  majority. 
Hair — Coarse,  straight  and  black.    A  few  individuals  possess  curly 

or  wavy  hair. 
Nose — Jenks  gives  no  statement,  but  his  photos  show  the  root  of  the 

nose  to  be   rather  high;     the  bridge  appears   to  be  broad   and 

straight,  although  in  some  individuals  it  tends  toward  concave. 

29  females  Average  Range 

Height,   standing    meters       1.4580 

Length  of  head  "  .1859 

Breadth  of  head  "  .1470 

Length  of  nose  "  .0458 

Breadth   of  nose    "  .0360 

Cephalic    index    79.09    64.89  to  87.64 

Nasal  index   78.74    58.53  to  97.56 

In  this  group  12  are  brachycephalic 
12  are  mesaticephalic 
5  are  dolichocephalic 

Very  different  results  were  obtained  by  Kroeber2  from  the 
group  of  Igorot  exhibited  in  San  Francisco  in  1906.  His  figures  may 
possibly  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  about  one  third  of  the  party 
came  from  Alap  near  the  southern  end  of  the  Bontoc  area,  also,  as 
he  has  suggested,  by  the  preponderance  of  very  young  men.  The 
figures  for  this  group  are  as  follows : 

*A  short  series  of  Igorot  skull  measurements  is  given  by  Koeze  (Crania 
Ethnica  Philippinica,  pp.  42-43,  Haarlem,   1901-4). 

*  Am.  Anthropologist,  1906,  pp.  194-195. 


1.440  to 

1-530 

.171  to 

.191 

.136  to 

.150 

.127  to 

.136 

.033  to 

.042 

.036  to 

.038 

256  The  Tinguian 

Observations  on  18  males 

Average  height                                 1.550  Range    1.46    to  1.630 

length  of  head                   .186  .176  to  .104 

breadth  of  head                  .146  .138  to  .153 

bizygomatic    width            .135  .129  to  .142 

length  of  nose                   .041  .031  to  .046 

breadth  of  nose                  .040  .036  to  .046 

cephalic  index  78.43 

nasal  index  99.8 

Observations  on  7  females 
Average  height  1.486  Range 

"        length  of  head  .182 

"        breadth  of  head  .143 

"        bizygomatic  width  .131 

"        length  of  nose  .037 

"        width  of  nose  .037 

"        cephalic  index  78.59 

"        nasal  index  99.7 

From  these  descriptive  sheets  it  is  obvious  that  each  tribe  is  made 
up  of  very  heterogeneous  elements,  and  each  overlaps  the  other  to  a 
considerable  extent;  however,  the  number  of  individuals  measured  is 
sufficiently  great  for  us  to  draw  certain  general  conclusions  from  the 
averages  of  each  group. 

It  is  at  once  evident  that  the  differences  between  the  Ilocano  and 
the  Valley  Tinguian  are  very  slight,  in  fact  are  less  than  those  between 
the  valley  and  mountain  people  of  the  latter  tribe.  The  Ilocano  appear 
to  be  slightly  taller,  the  length  of  head  a  little  less,  and  the  breadth  a 
bit  more ;  yet  there  is  an  average  difference  of  only  two  points  in  the 
cephalic  indices  of  the  two  groups.  The  only  other  points  of 
divergence  are :  the  greater  percentage  among  the  Ilocano  of  eyes 
showing  the  Mongolian  fold,  and  the  occurrence  of  straight  hair  in 
about  half  the  individuals  measured.  However,  this  latter  feature 
may  be  more  apparent  than  real ;  for  the  Ilocano  cut  the  hair  short, 
and  a  slight  degree  of  waviness  might  readily  pass  unobserved. 

As  we  pass  from  the  Valley  to  the  Mountain  Tinguian,  and  from 
them  to  the  Apayao,  we  find  the  average  stature  almost  constant,  but 
the  head  becomes  longer;  there  is  a  greater  tendency  for  the  cheek- 
bones to  protrude  and  the  face  to  be  angular,  and  there  is  a  more 
frequent  development  of  the  supra-orbital  ridges.  The  root  of  the 
nose  is  often  flat  and  the  bridge  concave ;  while  wavy  hair  becomes  the 
rule  in  the  mountains.  There  is  a  slight  decrease,  in  the  Tinguian 
groups,  of  eyes  showing  the  Mongolian  fold,  but  in  the  Apayao  the 
percentage  again  equals  that  of  the  Ilocano. 

The  Apayao  present  no  radical  differences  to  the  Mountain  Tin- 
guian ;    yet,  as  already  noted,  the  length  and  height  of  the  head  are 


Physical  Type  and  Relationships  257 

slightly  greater ;  the  zygomatic  arches  more  strongly  developed ;  the 
face  more  angular;  and  the  nose  is  broader  as  compared  with  its 
length.  Evidences  of  former  extensive  intermixture  are  here  apparent, 
while  at  the  present  time  there  is  rather  free  marriage  with  the  neigh- 
boring Kalinga  and  Negrito. 

Comparing  these  four  groups  with  the  Igorot,  we  find  that  the 
latter  averages  slightly  taller  than  all  but  the  Ilocano.  The  breadth  of 
the  head  is  about  the  same  as  the  Ilocano;  but  the  length  is  much 
greater,  and  there  is,  in  consequence,  a  considerable  difference  in  the 
cephalic  index.  Reference  to  our  tables  will  show  the  Ilocano  and 
both  Tinguian  divisions  to  be  brachycephalic,  while  the  Igorot  is 
mesaticephalic.  The  average  index  of  the  Apayao  also  falls  in  the 
latter  classification ;  but  the  variation  from  Igorot  is  greater  than 
is  indicated,  for  the  Apayao  skull  is  actually  considerably  shorter  and 
narrower.  In  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  nose,  the  Igorot  exceeds 
any  of  the  groups  studied,  while  the  Malayan  (Mongolian?)  fold  of 
the  eye  is  reported  in  the  great  majority  of  cases.  The  bodily  appear- 
ance of  the  Tinguian  and  Bontoc  Igorot  differs  little,  although  the 
latter  are  generally  of  a  slightly  heavier  build.  Both  are  lithe  and 
well  proportioned,  their  full  rounded  muscles  giving  them  the  appear- 
ance of  trained  athletes ;  neither  is  as  stocky  or  heavy  set  as  are  the 
Igorot  of  Amburayan,  Lepanto,  and  Benguet. 

There  is  great  variation  in  color  among  the  members  of  all  these 
tribes,  the  tones  varying  from  a  light  olive  brown  to  a  dark  reddish 
brown ;  but  in  general  the  Ilocano  and  Valley  Tinguian  are  of  a  lighter 
hue  than  the  mountain  people. 

Observations  on  the  Southern  Chinese  and  the  South  Perak  Malay 
are  given  below,  not  with  the  intention  of  connecting  them  with  any 
one  of  the  tribes  of  Luzon,  but  in  order  to  test,  by  comparison,  the 
theory  of  the  Chinese  origin  of  the  Tinguian,  and  also  to  secure,  if 
possible,  some  clue  as  to  the  relationships  of  both  peoples. 

THE  SOUTHERN  CHINESE 

Dr.  Girard,1  as  a  result  of  his  studies  on  the  Chinese  of  Kwang-si, 
a  province  of  southern  China,  expresses  the  belief  that  the  population 
is  greatly  mixed,  but  all  considered  they  appear  more  like  Indo-Chinese 
than  like  the  Chinese  proper  (that  is,  Northern  Chinese).     Deniker2 

'Notes  sur  les  Chinois  du  Quang-si  (L'Anthropologie,  Vol.  IX,  1898, 
pp.  144-170). 

2  The  Races  of  Man,  pp.  384,  577,  ct  scq.  (London,  1900). 


258  The  Tinguian 

comes  to  a  similar  conclusion  from  a  study  of  the  results  obtained  by 
many  observers. 

Girard  gives  the  following  measurements  for  25  males  of 
Kwang-si : 

Range  Average 

Height,   standing    meters     1.528  to     1.748      1.616 

Length  of   head    "  .1815 

Breadth  of  head    "  .1435 

Height   of   head    "  .1270 

Length  of  nose  "  .04648 

Breadth  of  nose  "  .03876 

Cephalic  index                     73.        to  85.  79-52 

Length-Height  index  69.9 

Breadth-Height  index  88.5 

Nasal  index                        67.        to  95.  82.98 

Deniker  (p.  578)  gives  the  average  height  of  15,582  males,  mostly 
Hakka  of  Kwang-tung,  as  1.622.  The  cephalic  index  of  61  living 
subjects  and  84  crania,  principally  from  Canton,  he  finds  to  be — 
Living  81.2;  crania  78.2. 

Martin1  presents  the  following  data:  Average  height  of  males 
— 1. 614;  average  height  of  females — 1.498.  Cephalic  index  (49 
males) — 81.8.  Length-Height  index  (49  males) — 66.5.  Nasal  index 
(49  males) — J  J. J .2 

SOUTH  PERAK  MALAY3 

Observations  by  Annandale  and  Robinson  (Fasciculi 

Malayenses,  pt.  1,  pp.  105  et  seq.,  London,  1903). 

37  males        Range         Average 

Height,    standing    meters     1.488    to  1.763  1.594 

Length   of  head    "  .173    to     .198  .182 

Breadth  of  head   ^ "  .141     to    .162  .149 

Height  of  head  (tragus  to  vertex)    "  .119    to    .146  .135 

Breadth  of  zygomatic  arches "  .120    to     .150  .139 

Length  of  nose  "  .0413  to    .0525  .0477 

Breadth  of  nose   "  .0337  to     .0437  .0358 

Cephalic  index  82.3 

Length-Height  index  73.9 

Nasal  index  81.2 

1  Martin,  Inlandstamme  der  Malayischen  Halbinsel,  pp.  237,  351,  358,  386 
(Jena,  1005). 

8  For  measurements  on  the  Northern  Chinese  and  the  Formosa  Chinese  see 
Koganei,  Messungen  an  chinesischen  Soldaten  (Mitt.  med.  Fak.  k.  japan.  Univ. 
Tokio,  1903,  Vol.  VI,  No.  2),  und  Messungen  an  mannlichen  Chinesen- 
Schadeln   (Internat.  Centralblatt  fur  Anthropologic,  1902,  pp.  129,  et  seq.). 

3  For  other  observations  on  Malaysia,  in  general,  see  Annandale  and  Rob- 
inson (Jour.  Anth.  Inst.,  Vol.  XXXII,  1902)  ;  Keane,  Ethnology  (Cambridge, 
1907)  ;  Duckworth  (Jour.  Anth.  Inst.,  Vol.  XXXII)  ;  Hose  and  McDougall 
(The  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  pp.  311,  et  seq.)  give  results  by  Haddon; 
Hamy  (L'Anthropo}ogie,  Vol.  VII,  Paris,  1896)  ;  Hagen,  Anthropologische 
Studien  aus  Insulinde  (Amsterdam,  1800)  ;  Sullivan,  Racial  Types  in  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands  (Anth.  Papers,  American  Museum  of  Nat.  Hist.,  Vol.  XIII, 
pt.  I,  New  York,  iqi8). 


Physical  Type  and  Relationships  259 

Color — Varies  from  dark  olive  to  red ;    less  commonly  olive  or  yel- 
lowish white. 
Eyes — Black,  sometimes  reddish  brown. 

Hair — Appears  to  be  straight  in  most  cases,  but  being  cut  short  a 
slight  waviness  might  not  be  noticed.    Black. 

A  comparison  of  these  figures  with  those  of  our  Luzon  groups 
brings  out  several  interesting  points.  It  shows  that  the  Tinguian  are 
not  related  to  the  Chinese,  "because  of  their  tall  stature;"  for  they 
are,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  shorter  than  either  the  Chinese  or  Igorot. 
It  is  also  evident  that  they  resemble  the  southern  Chinese  no  more 
than  do  the  people  of  Bontoc.  Further  it  is  seen  that  both  the  Tinguian- 
Uocano  and  the  Chinese  show  greater  likeness  to  the  Perak  Malay 
than  they  do  to  each  other.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  we  find  no  radical 
differences  between  any  of  the  peoples  discussed;  despite  evident 
minor  variations,  the  tribes  of  northwestern  Luzon  approach  a  com- 
mon type,  and  this  type  appears  not  to  be  far  removed  from  the 
dominant  element  in  southern  China,  Indo-China,  and  Malaysia  gen- 
erally, a  fact  which  probably  can  be  attributed  to  a  common  ancestry 
in  times  far  past.1 

With  this  data  before  us,  we  might  readily  dismiss  most  of  the 
theories  of  early  writers  as  interesting  speculations  based  on  superficial 
observation ;  but  the  statement  that  the  Tinguian  are  derived  from 
the  pirate  band  of  Limahon  has  received  such  wide  currency  that  it 
deserves  further  notice.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  scene  of 
the  Chinese  disaster  was  in  Pangasinan,  a  march  of  three  days  to 
the  south  of  the  Tinguian  territory.  It  is  unlikely  that  a  force  suf- 
ficiently large  to  impress  its  type  on  the  local  population  could  have 
made  its  way  into  Abra,  without  having  been  reported  to  Salcedo,  who 
then  had  his  headquarters  at  Vigan. 

As  early  as  1598  the  Tinguian  were  so  powerful  and  aggressive 
that  active  steps  had  to  be  taken  to  protect  the  coast  people  from  their 
raids.  Had  they  been  recognized  as  being  essentially  Chinese — a 
foreign,  hostile  population — some  mention  of  that  fact  must  certainly 
have  crept  into  the  Spanish  records  of  that  period.  Such  data  are 
entirely  wanting,  while  the  exceedingly  rich  traditions  of  the  Tinguian2 
likewise  fail  to  give  any  evidence  of  such  an  invasion. 

1  Sullivan  (Anthropological  Papers,  American  Museum  Nat.  History,  Vol. 
XXIII,  pt.  1,  p.  42)  gives  a  graphic  correlation  of  Stature,  Cephalic  and  Nasal 
Indices,  which  shows  a  striking  similarity  between  the  Tagalog  and  Pangasinan 
of  the  Philippines,  and  the  Southern  Chinese.  Had  he  made  use  of  Jenks's 
measurements  of  the  Bontoc  Igorot,  that  group  would  also  have  approached 
quite  closely  to  those  already  mentioned.  The  same  method  applied  to  the 
Ilocano  and  Tinguian  shows  them  to  conform  to  this  type. 

8  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian   (this  volume,  No.  1). 


260  The  Tinguian 

The  presence  of  large  quantities  of  ancient  Chinese  pottery  in 
Abra  must  be  ascribed  to  trade,  for  it  is  inconceivable  that  a  fugitive 
band  of  warriors  would  have  carried  with  them  the  hundreds  of  jars — 
many  of  large  size — which  are  now  found  in  the  interior. 

The  reputed  similarity  of  the  garments  of  the  men  to  those  of 
Fukien  fishermen  is  likewise  without  value,  for  at  the  time  of  the 
Spanish  invasion  both  Ilocano  and  Tinguian  were  innocent  of  trousers. 
It  was  not  until  the  order  of  Gov.  Penfiarubia,  in  1868,  barring  all 
unclad  pagans  from  the  Christianized  towns,  that  the  latter  donned 
such  garments.  To-day  many  of  the  men  possess  full  suits,  but  the 
ordinary  dress  is  still  the  head-band,  breech-cloth,  and  belt. 

Finally,  it  seems  curious  that  the  Tinguian  should  be  of  "a  pacific 
character"  because  of  the  fact  that  they  are  descended  from  a  band  of 
Chinese  pirates. 

Summarizing  our  material,  we  can  say  of  the  Tinguian,  that  they 
are  a  rather  short,  well-built  people  with  moderately  high,  brachy- 
cephalic  heads,  fairly  high  noses,  and  angular  faces.  Their  hair  is 
brown  black  and  inclined  to  be  wavy,  while  the  skin  varies  from  a 
light  olive  brown  to  a  dark  reddish  brown.  A  study  of  our  tables 
shows  that  within  this  group  there  are  great  extremes  in  stature,  head 
and  nasal  form,  color,  and  the  like,  indicating  very  heterogeneous 
elements  in  its  make-up.  We  also  find  that  physically  the  Tinguian 
conform  closely  to  the  Ilocano,  while  they  merge  without  a  sharp 
break  into  the  Apayao  of  the  eastern  mountain  slopes.  When  compared 
to  the  Igorot,  greater  differences  are  manifest;  but  even  here,  the 
similarities  are  so  many  that  we  cannot  classify  the  two  tribes  as 
members  of  different  races. 

We  have  seen  that  this  people  approaches  the  southern  Chinese  in 
many  respects,  but  this  is  likewise  true  of  all  the  other  tribes  under 
discussion  and,  hence,  we  are  not  justified,  on  anatomic  grounds,  in 
considering  the  Tinguian  as  distinct,  because  of  Chinese  origin.  The 
testimony  of  historical  data  and  language  leads  us  to  the  same  con- 
clusions. Chinese  influence,  through  trade,  has  been  active  for  many 
centuries  along  the  north  and  west  coast  of  Luzon,  but  it  has  not  been 
of  a  sufficiently  intimate  nature  to  introduce  such  common  articles  of 
convenience  and  necessity  as  the  composite  bow,  the  potter's  wheel, 
wheeled  vehicles,  and  the  like. 

The  anatomical  data  likewise  prevent  us  from  setting  this  tribe 
apart  from  the  others,  because  of  Japanese  or  Indonesian  origin. 


III.  THE  CYCLE  OF  LIFE 

Birth. — The  natural  cause  of  pregnancy  is  understood  by  the 
Tinguian,  but  coupled  with  this  knowledge  is  a  belief  in  its  close  rela- 
tionship to  the  spirit  world.  Supernatural  conception  and  unnatural 
births  are  frequently  mentioned  in  the  traditions,  and  are  accepted  as 
true  by  the  mass  of  people ;  while  the  possibility  of  increasing  the 
fertility  of  the  husband  and  wife  by  magical  acts,  performed  in  con- 
nection with  the  marriage  ceremony,  is  unquestioned.  Likewise,  the 
wife  may  be  affected  if  she  eats  peculiar  articles  of  food,1  and  unap- 
peased  desires  for  fruits  and  the  like  may  result  disastrously  both  for 
the  expectant  mother  and  the  child.2  The  close  relationship  which 
exists  between  the  father  and  the  unborn  babe  is  clearly  brought  out 
by  various  facts ;  for  instance,  the  husband  of  a  pregnant  woman 
is  never  whipped  at  a  funeral,  as  are  the  other  guests,  lest  it  result 
in  injury  to  the  child. 

The  fact  that  these  mythical  happenings  and  magical  practices  do 
not  agree  with  his  actual  knowledge  in  no  way  disturbs  the  Tinguian. 
It  is  doubtful  if  he  is  conscious  of  a  conflict;  and  should  it  be  brought 
to  his  attention,  he  would  explain  it  by  reference  to  the  tales  of  former 
times,  or  to  the  activities  of  superior  beings.  Like  man  in  civilized 
society,  he  seldom  rationalizes  about  the  well-known  facts — religious 
or  otherwise — generally  held  by  his  group  to  be  true. 

It  is  thought  that,  when  a  mortal  woman  conceives,  an  anito  woman 
likewise  becomes  pregnant,  and  the  two  give  birth  at  the  same  time. 
Otherwise,  the  lives  of  the  two  children  do  not  seem  to  be  closely 
related,  though,  as  we  shall  see  later,  the  mothers  follow  the  same 
procedure  for  a  time  after  delivery  (cf.  p.  268). 

According  to  common  belief,  supernatural  beings  have  become 
possessed  at  times,  with  menstrual  blood  or  the  afterbirth  which  under 
their  care  developed  into  human  offspring,  some  of  whom  occupy  a 

*The  eating  of  double  bananas  or  vegetables  is  avoided,  as  it  is  thought  to 
result  in  the  birth  of  twins.  The  birth  of  twin  girls  is  a  particular  misfortune; 
for  their  parents  are  certain  to  fare  badly  in  any  trades  or  sales  to  which  they 
may  be  parties. 

2  The  importance  of  gratifying  the  longings  of  pregnant  women  appears  in 
the  legends  of  the  Malay  Peninsula.  See  Wilkinson,  Malay  Beliefs,  p.  46 
(London,  1906).  Hildebrandt  states  that  the  Indian  law  books  such  as  Yajna- 
valkya  (III,  79)  make  it  a  duty  to  fulfill  the  wishes  of  a  woman  at  this  time, 
since  otherwise  the  embryo  would  be  exposed  to  injury.  Encyclopaedia  of  Re- 
ligion and  Ethics,  Vol.  II,  p.  650. 

261 


262  The  Tinguian 

prominent  place  in  the  tribal  mythology.1  In  the  tales  we  are  told  that 
a  frog  became  pregnant,  and  gave  birth  to  a  child  after  having  lapped 
up  the  spittle  of  Aponitolau,2  a  maid  conceived  when  the  head-band  of 
her  lover  rested  on  her  skirt,3  while  the  customary  delivery  of 
children  during  the  mythical  period  seems  to  have  been  from  between 
the  fingers  of  the  expectant  mother.4  Anitos  and,  in  a  few  cases,  the 
shades  of  the  dead  have  had  intercourse  with  Tinguian  women,5  but 
children  of  such  unions  are  always  born  prematurely.  As  a  rule,  a 
miscarriage  is  thought  to  be  the  result  of  union  with  the  inhabitants  of 
the  spirit  realm,  though  an  expectant  woman  is  often  warned  not  to 
become  angry  or  sorrowful  lest  her  "blood  become  strong  and  the 
child  be  born."  Abortion  is  said  to  be  practised  occasionally  by 
unmarried  women ;  but  such  instances  are  exceedingly  rare,  as  off- 
spring is  much  desired,  and  the  chance  of  making  a  satisfactory  match 
would  be  in  no  way  injured  by  the  possession  of  an  illegitimate  child.8 

Except  for  the  district  about  Manabo,  it  is  not  customary  to  make 
any  offerings  or  to  cause  any  changes  in  the  daily  life  of  the  pregnant 
woman  until  the  time  of  her  delivery  is  near  at  hand.  In  Manabo 
a  family  gathering  is  held  about  a  month  before  the  anticipated  event, 
at  which  time  the  woman  eats  a  small  chicken,  while  her  relatives 
look  on.  After  completing  this  meal,  she  places  two  bundles  of  grass, 
some  bark  and  beads  in  a  small  basket  and  ties  it  beside  the  window. 
The  significance  of  the  act  is  not  clear  to  the  people,  but  it  is  "an  old 
custom,  and  is  pleasing  to  the  spirits." 

Shortly  before  the  child  is  expected,  two  or  three  mediums  are 
summoned  to  the  dwelling.  Spreading  a  mat  in  the  center  of  the 
room,  they  place  on  it  their  outfits  (cf.  p.  302)  and  gifts7  for  all  the 
spirits  who  are  apt  to  attend  the  ceremony.  Nine  small  jars  covered 
with  alin  leaves  are  distributed  about  the  house  and  yard ;   one  sits  on 

1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  pp.  124,  185. 

2  See  op.  cit.,  p.  105. 

3  See  op.  cit.,  pp.  144,  et  seq. 

*  See  op.  cit.,  p.  18. 

5  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  180. 

*  To  produce  a  miscarriage,  a  secret  liquor  is  made  from  the  bark  of  a 
tree.  After  several  drinks  of  the  brew,  the  abdomen  is  kneaded  and  pushed 
downward  until  the  foetus  is  discharged.  A  canvass  of  forty  women  past  the 
child-bearing  age  showed  an  average,  to  each,  of  five  children,  about  40  per  cent 
of  whom  died  in  infancy.  Apparently  about  the  same  ratio  of  births  is  being 
maintained  at  present. 

'The  gifts  vary  according  to  the  ceremony.  For  this  event,  the  offerings 
consist  of  a  Chinese  jar  with  earrings  fastened  into  the  handles — "ears" — ,  a 
necklace  of  beads  and  a  silver  wire  about  its  neck;  a  wooden  spoon,  a  weaving 
stick,  and  some  bone  beads. 


The  Cycle  of  Life  263 

a  head-axe  placed  upon  an  inverted  rice-mortar  near  the  dwelling, 
another  stands  near  by  in  a  winnower,  and  is  covered  with  a  bundle 
of  rice;  four  go  to  a  corner  of  the  room;  while  the  balance  is  placed 
on  either  side  of  the  doorway.  These  jars  are  later  used  to  hold  the 
cooked  rice  which  is  offered  to  the  Inginlaod,  spirits  of  the  west.  At 
the  foot  of  the  house  ladder  a  spear  is  planted,  and  to  it  is  attached  a 
long  narrow  cloth  of  many  colors.  Last  of  all,  a  bound  pig  is  laid 
just  outside  the  door  with  its  head  toward  the  east. 

When  all  is  ready,  the  mediums  bid  the  men  to  play  on  the  tong- 
a-tong  (cf.  p.  314)  ;  then,  squatting  beside  the  pig,  they  stroke  its  side 
with  oiled  fingers,  meanwhile  chanting  appropriate  dlams  (cf.  p.  296). 
This  done,  they  begin  to  summon  spirits  into  their  bodies,  and  from 
them  learn  what  must  be  done  to  insure  the  health  and  happiness  of 
the  child.  Later,  water  is  poured  into  the  pig's  ear,  that  "as  it 
shakes  out  the  water,  so  may  the  evil  spirits  be  thrown  out  of  the 
place."1  Then  an  old  man  cuts  open  the  body  of  the  animal  and, 
thrusting  in  his  hand,  draws  out  the  still  palpitating  heart,  which  he 
gives  to  the  medium.  With  this  she  strokes  the  body  of  the  expectant 
woman,  "so  that  the  birth  may  be  easy,  and  as  a  protection  against 
harm,"  and  also  touches  the  other  members  of  the  family.2  She  next 
directs  her  attention  to  the  liver,  for  by  its  condition  it  is  possible  to 
foretell  the  child's  future  (cf.  p.  307). 

While  the  medium  has  been  busy  with  the  immediate  family, 
friends  and  relatives  have  been  preparing  the  flesh  for  food,  which  is 
now  served.  No  part  is  reserved,  except  the  boiled  entrails  which  are 
placed  in  a  wooden  dish  and  set  among  other  gifts  intended  for  the 
superior  beings. 

Following  the  meal,  the  mediums  continue  summoning  spirits  until 
late  afternoon  when  the  ceremony  known  as  Gipas — the  dividing — is 
held.3  The  chief  medium,  who  is  now  possessed  by  a  powerful  spirit, 
covers  her  shoulder  with  a  sacred  blanket,4  and  in  company  with  the 
oldest  male  relative  of  the  expectant  woman  goes  to  the  middle  of  the 
room,  where  a  bound  pig  lies  with  a  narrow  cloth  extending  along 
its  body  from  head  to  tail.  After  much  debating  they  decide  on  the 
exact  center  of  the  animal,  and  then  with  her  left  hand  each  seizes  a 

1  This  is  known  as  palwig. 
'This  action  is  called  tolgi. 

*  In  the  San  Juan  district  Gipas  is  a  separate  two-day  ceremony,  which 
takes  place  about  nine  months  after  the  birth.  In  Baak  a  part  of  the  Dawak 
ceremony  goes  by  this  name. 

*  This  Is  known  as  indlson,  and  is  "such  a  blanket  as  is  always  possessed 
by  a  spirit."     See  p.  313. 


264  The  Tinguian 

leg.  They  lift  the  victim  from  the  floor,  and  with  the  head-axes,  which 
they  hold  in  their  free  hands,  they  cut  it  in  two.  In  this  way  the 
mortals  pay  the  spirits  for  their  share  in  the  child,  and  henceforth 
they  have  no  claims  to  it.  The  spirit  and  the  old  man  drink  basi,  to 
cement  their  friendship ;  and  the  ceremony  is  at  an  end. 

The  small  pots  and  other  objects  used  as  offerings  are  placed  on 
the  sacred  blanket  in  one  corner  of  the  room,  where  they  remain  until 
the  child  is  born,  "so  that  all  the  -spirits  may  know  that  Glpas  has  been 
held."  A  portion  of  the  slaughtered  animals  and  some  small  present 
are  given  to  the  mediums,  who  then  depart. 

In  San  Juan  a  cloth  is  placed  on  the  floor,  and  on  it  are  laid  betel- 
nuts,  four  beads,  and  a  lead  sinker.  These  are  divided  with  the 
head-axe  in  the  same  manner  as  the  pig,  but  the  medium  retains 
for  her  own  use  the  share  given  to  the  spirits. 

In  the  better  class  of  dwellings,  constructed  of  boards,  there  is 
generally  a  small  section  in  one  corner,  where  the  flooring  is  of 
bamboo ;  and  it  is  here  that  the  delivery  takes  place,  but  in  the  ordinary 
dwellings  there  is  no  specified  location. 

The  patient  is  in  a  kneeling  or  squatting  position  with  her  hands 
on  a  rope  or  bamboo  rod,  which  is  suspended  from  a  rafter  about  the 
height  of  her  shoulders.1  She  draws  on  this,  while  one  or  more  old 
women,  skilled  in  matters  pertaining  to  childbirth,  knead  and  press 
down  on  the  abdomen,  and  finally  remove  the  child.  The  naval  cord 
is  cut  with  a  bamboo  knife,2  and  is  tied  with  bark  cloth.  Should  the 
delivery  be  hard,  a  pig  will  be  killed  beneath  the  house,  and  its  blood 
and  flesh  offered  to  the  spirits,  in  order  to  gain  their  aid. 

If  the  child  is  apparently  still-born,  the  midwife  places  a  Chinese 
dish  close  to  its  ear,  and  strikes  against  it  several  times  with  a  lead 
sinker.  If  this  fails  to  gain  a  response,  the  body  is  wrapped  in  a 
cloth,  and  is  soon  buried  beneath  the  house.  There  is  no  belief  here, 
as  is  common  in  many  other  parts  of  the  Philippines,  that  the  spirits 
of  unborn  or  still-born  children  form  the  chief  recruits  for  the  army 
of  evil  spirits. 

The  after-birth  is  placed  in  a  small  jar  together  with  bamboo 
.leaves,  "so  that  the  child  will  grow  like  that  lusty  plant,"  and  is  then 

1  This  is  also  the  method  of  delivery  among  the  Kayan  of  Borneo.  See  Hose 
and  McDougall,  The  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  p.  154  (London,  1912), 
also  Cole,  The  Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District,  Mindanao  (Field  Museum  of 
Natural  History,  Vol.  XII.  No.  2,  p.  100).  Skeat  (Malay  Magic,  p.  334,  London, 
1900)  describes  a  similar  method  among  the  Malay. 

2  Among  the  Bukidnon  and  Bila-an  of  Mindanao  a  bamboo  blade  is  always 
employed  for  this  purpose.  The  same  is  true  of  the  Kayan  of  Borneo.  Hose 
and  McDougall,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  II,  p.  155;  Cole,  op.  cit.,  p.  143. 


The  Cycle  of  Life  265 

intrusted  to  an  old  man,  usually  a  relative.  He  must  exercise  the 
greatest  care  in  his  mission,  for  should  he  squint,  while  the  jar  is  in 
his  possession,  the  child  will  be  likewise  afflicted.  If  it  is  desired  that 
the  infant  shall  become  a  great  hunter,  the  jar  is  hung  in  the  jungle; 
if  he  is  to  be  an  expert  swimmer  and  a  successful  fisherman,  it  is 
placed  in  the  river;  but  ill  fortune  is  in  store  for  the  baby  if  the  pot 
is  buried,  for  he  will  always  be  afraid  to  climb  a  tree  or  to  ascend  a 
mountain. 

These  close  ties  between  the  infant  and  the  after-birth  are  easily 
comprehended  by  a  people  who  also  believe  in  the  close  relationship 
between  a  person  and  any  object  recently  handled  by  him  (cf.  p.  305). 
In  general  it  is  thought  that  the  after-birth  soon  disappears  and  no 
longer  influences  the  child;  yet  certain  of  the  folk-tales  reflect  a 
firm  conviction  that  a  group  of  spirits,  known  as  alan,  sometimes  take 
the  placenta,  and  transform  it  into  a  real  child,  who  is  then  more 
powerful  than  ordinary  mortals.1 

Immediately  following  the  birth  the  father  constructs  a  shallow 
bamboo  framework  (baitkEn),2  which  he  fills  with  ashes,  and  places 
in  the  room  close  to  the  mother.  On  this  a  fire  is  kept  burning  con- 
stantly for  twenty-nine  days.8  For  this  fire  he  must  carefully  prepare 
each  stick  of  wood,  for  should  it  have  rough  places  on  it,  the  baby 
would  have  lumps  on  its  head.  A  double  explanation  is  offered  for 
this  fire ;  firstly,  "to  keep  the  mother  warm ;"  secondly,  as  a  protection 
against  evil  spirits.  The  idea  of  protection  is  evidently  the  original 
and  dominant  one ;  for,  as  we  shall  see,  evil  spirits  are  wont  to 
frequent  a  house,  where  a  birth  or  death  has  occurred,  and  a  fire  is 
always  kept  burning  below  the  house  or  beside  the  ladder  at  such  a 
time.4 

When  the  child  has  been  washed,  it  is  placed  on  an  inverted  rice- 

1  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  185.  It  is  also  the  belief 
of  the  Peninsular  Malay  that  the  incidental  products  of  a  confinement  may  be 
endowed  with  life  (Wilkinson,  Malay  Beliefs,  p.  30). 

2  The  character  e,  which  appears  frequently  in  the  native  names,  is  used 
to  indicate  a  sound  between  the  obscure  vowel  e,  as  in  sun,  and  the  ur,  in 
burrow. 

1  The  number  of  days  varies  somewhat  in  different  sections,  and  is  gen- 
erally longer  for  the  first  child  than  for  the  succeeding. 

4  The  custom  of  building  a  fire  beside  the  mother  is  practised  among  the 
Malay,  Jakun  and  Mantri  of  the  Peninsula.  In  India,  the  practice  of  keeping 
a  fire  beside  the  newborn  infant,  in  order  to  protect  it  from  evil  beings,  is 
widespread.  See  Tawney,  Katha  Sarit  Sagara,  Vol.  I,  pp.  246,  305,  note;  Vol. 
II,  p.  631  (Calcutta,  1880).  According  to  Skeat  (Malay  Magic,  p.  343),  the  Malay 
keep  the  fire  burning  forty-four  days.  The  custom  is  called  the  "roasting  of 
the  mother."  The  same  custom  is  found  in  Cambodja  (see  Encyclopaedia  of 
Religion  and  Ethics,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  32,  164,  347;  Vol.  VIII,  p.  32). 


266  The  Tinguian 

winnower,  and  an  old  man  or  woman  gives  it  the  name  it  is  to  bear. 
The  winnower  is  raised  a  few  inches  above  the  ground,  and  the 
woman  asks  the  child  its  name,  then  drops  it.  Again  she  raises  it, 
pronounces  the  name,  and  lets  it  fall.  A  third  time  it  is  raised  and 
dropped,  with  the  injuction,  "When  your  mother  sends  you,  you  go," 
or  "You  must  not  be  lazy."  If  it  is  a  boy,  it  may  be  instructed,  "When 
your  father  sends  you  to  plow,  you  go." 

Among  the  Tinguian  of  Ilocos  Norte  it  is  customary  for  the  person 
who  is  giving  the  name  to  wave  a  burning  torch  beneath  the  winnower, 
meanwhile  saying,  if  to  a  boy,  "Here  is  your  light  when  you  go  to 
fight.  Here  is  your  light  when  you  go  to  other  towns."  If  the  child 
is  a  girl,  she  says,  "Here  is  your  light  when  you  go  to  sell  things." 

In  the  San  Juan  district,  the  fire  is  made  of  pine  sticks;  for  "the 
burning  pine  gives  a  bright  light,  and  thus  makes  it  clear  to  the  spirits 
that  the  child  is  born.  The  heat  and  smoke  make  the  child  hard  and 
sturdy."  Just  before  the  naming,  the  rice  winnower  is  circled  above 
the  fire  and  the  person  officiating  calls  to  the  spirits,  saying,  "Come 
and  take  this  child,  or  I  shall  take  it."  Then,  as  the  infant  still  remains 
alive,  she  proceeds  to  give  it  its  name.1 

A  Tinguian  child  is  nearly  always  named  after  a  dead  ancestor; 
often  it  receives  two  names — one  for  a  relative  in  the  father's  family, 
and  one  in  the  mother's.  A  third  name  commemorating  the  day  or 
some  event,  or  perhaps  the  name  of  a  spirit,  is  frequently  added.2 
Certain  names,  such  as  Abacas  ("worthless"),  Inaknam  ("taken  up"), 
and  Dolso  ("rice-chaff")  are  common.  If  the  infant  is  ailing,  or  if 
the  family  has  been  unfortunate  in  raising  children,  the  newborn  is 
named  in  the  regular  way,  then  is  placed  on  an  old  rice  winnower, 
and  is  carried  to  a  refuse  heap  and  left.  Evil  spirits  witnessing  this 
will  think  that  the  child  is  dead,  and  will  pay  no  more  heed  to  it. 
After  a  time,  a  woman  from  another  house  will  pick  the  child  up  and 
carry  it  back  to  the  dwelling,  where  it  is  renamed.  In  such  a  case  it 
is  probable  that  the  new  name  will  recall  the  event.3 


1  This  may  be  related  to  the  Malay  custom  of  fumigating  the  infant  (see 
Skeat,  op.  cit.,  p.  338). 

2  The  following  names  are  typical  of  this  last  class.  For  boys :  Ab'beng, 
a  child's  song;  Agdalpen,  name  of  a  spirit;  Baguio,  a  storm;  Bakileg,  a  glutton; 
Kabato,  from  bato,  a  stone ;  Tabau,  this  name  is  a  slur,  yet  is  not  uncommon ; 
it  signifies  "a  man  who  is  a  little  crazy,  who  is  sexually  impotent,  and  who  will 
mind  all  the  women  say;"  Otang,  the  sprout  of  a  vine;  Zapalan,  from  sapal, 
the  crotch  of  a  tree.  For  girls :  Bangonan,  from  bangon,  "to  rise,  to  get  up ;" 
Igai,  from  nlgai,  a  fish ;  Giaben,  a  song ;  Magilai,  from  gilai  the  identifying 
slit  made  in  an  animal's  ear;  Sabak,  a  flower;  Ugot,  the  new  leaf. 

*  In  Madagascar  children  are  oftentimes  called  depreciative  names,  such 
as  Rat,  with  the  hope  that  evil  spirits  will  leave  tranquil  an  infant  for  which 
the  parents  have  so  little  consideration  (Grandidier,  Ethnologie  de  Madagas- 
car, Vol.  II). 


The  Cycle  of  Life  267 

If  a  former  child  has  died,  it  is  possible  that  the  infant  will  receive 
its  name,  but  if  so,  it  will  be  renamed  within  a  few  days.  In  this 
manner,  respect  is  shown  both  for  the  deceased  child  and  the  ancestor 
for  which  it  was  named ;  yet  the  newborn  is  not  forced  to  bear  a  title 
which  is  apparently  displeasing  to  the  spirits.  Continued  sickness 
may  also  result  in  the  giving  of  a  new  name.1  In  such  a  case  a  small 
plot  of  rice  is  planted  as  an  offering  to  the  spirits,  which  have  caused 
the  illness. 

According  to  Reyes,  the  child  to  be  named  is  carried  to  a  tree,  and 
the  medium  says,  "Your  name  is  — ;"  at  the  same  time  she  strikes  the 
tree  with  a  knife.  If  the  tree  "sweats,"  the  name  is  satisfactory; 
otherwise,  other  names  are  mentioned  until  a  favorable  sign  is 
obtained.2  The  writer  found  no  trace  of  such  procedure  in  any  part 
of  the  Tinguian  belt. 

For  a  month  succeeding  the  birth,  the  mother  must  follow  a  very 
strict  set  of  rules.  Each  day  she  is  bathed  with  water  in  which  certain 
herbs  and  leaves,  distasteful  to  evil  spirits,  are  boiled.3  Beginning 
with  the  second  day  and  until  the  tenth  she  must  add  one  bath  each  day, 
at  least  one  of  which  is  in  cold  water.  From  the  tenth  to  the  twenty- 
fourth  day  she  takes  one  hot  and  one  cold  bath,  and  from  then  to  the 
end  of  the  month  she  continues  the  one  hot  bath.  Until  these  are 
completed,  the  family  must  keep  a  strip  of  ayabong  bark  burning 
beneath  the  house,  in  order  to  protect  the  baby  from  evil  spirits.  As 
an  additional  defence,  a  miniature  bow  and  arrow,  and  a  bamboo 
shield,  with  a  leaf  attached,  as  hung  above  the  infant's  head 
(Fig.  4,  No.  1). 

On  the  fifth  day  the  mother  makes  a  ring  out  of  old  cloth,  rice 
stalks,  and  a  vine,  and  puts  it  on  her  head ;  over  her  shoulders  is  an 
old  blanket,  while  in  one  hand  she  holds  a  reed  staff,  which  "helps 
her  in  her  weakness,  and  protects  her  from  evil  beings."  She  carries 
a  coconut  shell  filled  with  ashes,  a  basket  and  a  jar,  and  thus  equipped 
she  goes  to  the  village  spring.  Arriving  there,  she  cleans  the  dishes 
"as  a  sign  that  her  weakness  has  passed,  and  that  she  can  now  care 
for  herself ;"  then  she  sets  fire  to  a  piece  of  bark,  and  leaves  it  burning 
beside  the  water,  as  a  further  sign  of  her  recovery.  When  she  returns 
to  the  dwelling,  the  cleansed  dishes  and  the  staff  are  placed  above  the 
spot,  where  she  and  the  baby  sleep. 

1  In  Selangor,  a  sick  infant  is  re-named  (Skeat,  op.  cit.,  p.  341). 

1  Reyes,  Filipinas  articulos  varios,  1st  ed.,  pp.   144-5   (Manila,  1887). 

*  The  Malay  of  the  Peninsula  bathe  both  mother  and  child  morning  and 
evening,  in  hot  water  to  which  certain  leaves  and  blossoms  are  added.  It  is  here 
described  as  an  act  of  purification  (Skeat,  op.  cit.,  pp.  334_5). 


268  The  Tinguian 

On  the  29th  day  the  fire  is  extinguished,  and  the  bamboo  frame 
is  fastened  under  the  floor  of  the  house,  below  the  mother's  mat,  "so 
that  all  can  see  that  the  family  has  followed  the  custom."  As  the 
frame  is  carried  out,  the  mother  calls  to  the  anito  mother  (cf.  p.  261) 
to  throw  out  her  fire. 

In  the  mountain  districts  about  Lakub,  a  ceremony  in  which  the 
spirits  are  besought  to  look  to  the  child's  welfare  is  held  about  the 
third  day  after  the  birth.  The  mediums  summon  several  spirits;  a 
chicken  or  a  pig  is  killed,  and  its  blood  mixed  with  rice  is  offered  up. 
At  the  conclusion  a  small  saloko1  containing  an  egg  is  attached  to  one 
end  of  the  roof.  In  Ba-ak  this  is  generally  a  three  to  six  day  event 
attended  by  all  the  friends  and  relatives  of  the  family.  Here,  in  place 
of  the  egg,  a  jar  containing  pine-sticks  is  attached  to  the  roof,  for  the 
pine  which  burns  brightly  makes  it  plain  to  the  spirits  what  the  people 
are  doing. 

In  the  light  of  the  extended  and  rather  complex  procedure  just 
related,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  Tinguian  woman  is  one  of 
those  mythical  beings  whom  careless  or  uninformed  writers  have  been 
wont  to  describe  as  giving  birth  to  her  children  without  bodily  discom- 
fort. Reyes2  tells  us  that  she  cuts  the  umbilical  cord,  after  which  she 
proceeds  to  the  nearest  brook,  and  washes  the  clothing  soiled  during 
the  birth.  Lerena  likewise  credits  her  with  delivering  herself  without 
aid,  at  whatever  spot  she  may  then  chance  to  be ;  then,  without  further 
ado  or  inconvenience,  she  continues  her  duties  as  before.  If  she 
happens  to  be  near  to  a  river,  she  bathes  the  child;  or,  if  water  is 
not  handy,  she  cleans  it  with  grass  or  leaves,  and  then  gives  it  such 
a  name  as  stone,  rooster,  or  carabao.3 

Throughout  the  greater  part  of  the  Tinguian  territory,  nothing 
further  of  importance  takes  place  for  about  two  years,  providing  the 
child  progresses  normally,  but  should  it  be  ailing,  a  medium  will  be 
summoned  to  conduct  the  Ibal  ceremony.4  For  this  a  pig  or  rooster  is 
prepared  for  sacrifice,  but  before  it  is  killed,  the  medium  squats  before 
it  and,  stroking  its  side  with  oiled  fingers,  she  chants  the  following 
dlam.  v 

1Also  called  salokang  (cf.  p.  310). 

2  Filipinas  articulos  varios,  p.  144. 

3  F.  de  Lerena,  Illustration  Filipino,  No.  22,  p.  254  (Manila,  Nov.  15,  i860). 
An  equally  interesting  account  of  Tinguian  procedure  at  the  time  of  birth  will 
be  found  in  the  account  of  Polo  de  Lara,  Islas  Filipinas,  tipos  y  costumbres, 
pp.  213,  et  seq. 

*  In  San  Juan,  Ibal  is  always  held  in  six  months,  unless  illness  has  caused 
an  earlier  celebration.  At  this  time  the  liver  of  a  pig  is  carefully  examined, 
in  order  to  learn  of  the  child's  future. 


The  Cycle  of  Life  269 

"Those  who  live  in  the  same  town  go  to  raid,  to  take  heads.  After 
they  arrive,  those  who  live  in  the  same  town,  'We  go  and  dance  with 
the  heads/  said  the  people,  who  live  in  the  same  town,  'because  they 
make  a  celebration,  those  who  went  to  kill.'  'When  the  sun  goes  down, 
you  come  to  join  us,'  said  the  mother  and  baby  (to  her  husband  who 
goes  to  the  celebration).  After  that  the  sun  truly  went  down;  she 
went  truly  to  join  her  husband;  after  that  they  were  not  (there),  the 
mother  and  the  baby  (i.  e.,  when  the  father  arrived  where  they  had 
agreed  to  meet,  the  mother  and  child  were  not  there). 

"He  saw  their  hats  lying  on  the  ground.  He  looked  down;  the 
mother  and  the  baby  were  in  (the  ground),  which  ground  swallowed 
them.  'Why  (are)  the  mother  and  the  baby  in  the  ground?  How  can 
I  get  them?'  When  he  raises  the  mother  and  the  baby,  they  go  (back) 
into  the  ground.  After  that  Kaboniyan  above,  looking  down  (said), 
'What  can  you  do?  The  spirits  of  Ibal  in  Daem  are  the  cause  of  their 
trouble.  It  is  better  that  you  go  to  the  home  of  your  parents-in-law, 
and  you  go  and  prepare  the  things  needed  in  Ibal,'  said  Kaboniyan. 

"They  went  truly  and  prepared;  after  that  they  brought  (the 
things)  to  the  gate.  After  that  the  mother  and  child  came  out  of  the 
ground.  'After  this  when  there  is  a  happening  like  this,  of  which  you 
Ipogau  are  in  danger,  you  do  like  this  (i.  e.,  make  the  Ibal  ceremony)  ; 
and  I  alone,  Kaboniyan  am  the  one  you  summon,'  said  Kaboniyan. 

"After  that  they  got  well  because  they  came  up,  the  mother  and 
the  baby." 

When  the  chant  is  finished,  the  animal  is  slaughtered,  and  food 
is  prepared  both  for  guests  and  spirits.  Following  the  instructions  of 
Kaboniyan,  the  latter  is  placed  at  the  entrance  to  the  village;  after 
which  it  is  possible  that  this  powerful  spirit  will  visit  the  gathering 
in  the  person  of  the  medium,  and  give  further  instructions  for  the 
care  of  the  infant. 

In  the  village  of  Lakub  the  writer  witnessed  a  variation  of  this 
ceremony  which,  it  is  said,  is  also  followed  in  case  the  pregnancy  is 
not  progressing  favorably.  A  piece  of  banana  stalk,  wrought  into  the 
form  of  a  child,  and  wearing  a  bark  head-band,  was  placed  on  the 
mat  beside  the  medium.  She,  acting  for  a  spirit,  seized  the  miniature 
shield  and  bow  and  arrow  which  hung  above  the  baby,  and  attempted 
to  shoot  the  figure.  Immediately  two  old  women  came  to  the  rescue 
of  the  image,  and  after  a  sharp  tussel  compelled  the  spirit  to  desist. 
They  then  secured  the  weapons,  and  in  their  turn  tried  to  shoot  the 
figure,  which  was  now  defended  in  vain  by  the  medium.  It  was  later 
explained  that,  in  the  first  place,  the  figure  represented  the  child,  and 


270  The  Tinguian 

had  the  spirit  succeeded  in  shooting  it,  the  babe  would  have  died ; 
later,  it  impersonated  the  child  of  the  spirit,  and  when  that  being  saw 
its  own  offspring  in  danger,  it  immediately  departed  from  the  village. 
Several  other  spirits  then  entered  the  body  of  the  medium,  and  after 
receiving  food  and  drink,  gave  friendly  advice. 

When  the  child  is  about  two  years  old,  a  ceremony  known  as 
Olog1  is  held.  The  mediums  who  are  summoned  prepare  a  spirit 
mat,2  and  at  once  begin  to  recite  diams  over  the  body  of  a  bound  pig. 
As  soon  as  the  animal  is  killed,  its  heart  is  removed,  and  is  rubbed 
against  the  breast  of  each  member  of  the  family.  The  medium  then 
resumes  her  place  at  the  mat,  and  soon  is  possessed  by  a  spirit  who 
takes  charge  of  the  proceedings.  At  his  suggestion,  the  child  is  rubbed 
from  head  to  foot  with  the  thread  from  the  medium's  outfit,  "so  that 
it  will  not  cry  any  more;"  next,  he  orders  that  the  intestines  of  the 
pig  be  cleaned,  placed  on  a  wooden  dish,  and  be  carried  to  the  gate  of 
the  town.  When  they  arrive  at  the  designated  spot,  the  mediums  make 
a  "stove"  by  driving  three  sticks  into  the  ground,  so  as  to  outline  a 
triangle,  and  within  these  they  burn  a  bundle  of  rice-straw.  Beside 
the  "stove"  is  placed  a  branch,  each  leaf  of  which  is  pierced  with  a 
chicken  feather.  This  completed,  the  child  is  brought  up  to  the  fire, 
and  is  crowned  with  the  intestines ;  while  one  of  the  mediums  strikes 
the  ground  vigorously  with  a  split  stick,3  to  attract  the  attention  of 
the  spirits.  Next,  she  secures  a  rooster,  and  with  this  in  one  hand  and 
a  spear  in  the  other,  she  marches  five  times  around  the  fire  meanwhile 
reciting  a  diam.  At  the  conclusion  of  this  performance  the  fowl  is 
killed ;  and  its  blood,  mixed  with  rice,  is  scattered  on  the  ground.  At 
the  same  time  the  medium  calls  to  all  the  spirits  to  come  and  eat,  to 
be  satisfied,  and  not  cause  the  child  to  become  ill.  The  flesh  and  rice 
cakes  are  likewise  offered,  but  after  a  few  moments  have  elapsed,  they 
are  eaten  by  all  the  people. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  meal,  a  wreath  of  vines  is  substituted  for 
the  intestines,  which  are  hung  beside  the  fire.  This  concludes  the 
ceremony ;  but,  as  the  mother  and  child  reach  the  ladder  of  their  home, 
the  people  above  sprinkle  them  with  water,  meanwhile  calling  out  eight 
times,  "You  are  in  a  heavy  storm."  The  significance  of  this  sprinkling 
is  not  known,  but  the  custom  is  widespread,  and  is  evidently  very 
ancient. 

1  In  Likuan  this  takes  place  five  days  after  the  birth ;  in  Sallapadan  it 
occurs  on  the  first  or  second  day. 

2  On  the  mat  are  placed,  in  addition  to  the  medium's  regular  outfit,  a  small 
jar  of  basi,  five  pieces  of  betel-nut  and  pepper-leaf,  two  bundles  of  rice  (palay) 
in  a  winnower,  a  head-axe,  and  a  spear. 

'This  is  a  dakidak  (cf.  p.  311). 


The  Cycle  of  Life  271 

In  the  mountain  village  of  Likuan,  a  man  who  wears  a  very  large 
hat  takes  the  child  to  a  nearby  saloko.  As  he  returns,  he  is  sprinkled 
by  a  medium,  who  says,  "You  are  wet  from  the  rain ;  in  what  place 
did  you  get  wet  ?"  He  replies,  "Yes,  we  are  wet  from  the  rain ;  we 
were  wet  in  Inakban  (a  town  of  the  spirits)  ;"  then  placing  two  small 
baskets  in  the  saloko,  he  carries  the  child  into  the  dwelling.  Soon  the 
father  appears  and  goes  about  inquiring  for  his  wife  and  child ; 
suddenly  spying  the  baskets,  he  seizes  them  and  takes  them  into  the 
house,  saying,  "Here  are  the  mother  and  the  child." 

The  following  morning,  the  women  place  rice  cakes  and  betel-nuts, 
ready  to  chew,  in  leaves,  and  tie  them  to  a  bamboo  stalk  with  many 
branches.  This  is  then  planted  beside  the  spring,  "so  that  the  child 
will  grow  and  be  strong  like  the  bamboo."  The  sight  of  all  these  good 
things  is  also  pleasing  to  the  spirits,  and  they  will  thus  be  inclined  to 
grant  to  the  child  many  favors. 

When  the  women  return  to  the  house,  they  carry  with  them  a 
coconut  shell  filled  with  water,  and  with  this  they  wash  the  infant's 
face  "to  keep  it  from  crying,  and  to  keep  it  well."  This  done,  they 
tie  a  knot  of  banana  leaves  to  the  house  ladder  as  a  sign  that  no 
person  may  enter  the  dwelling  until  after  its  removal  the  next  day.1 

A  ceremony,  not  witnessed  by  the  writer,  is  said  to  take  place 
when  evil  spirits  have  persistently  annoyed  the  mother  and  the  child, 
when  the  delivery  is  long  overdue,  or  when  an  anito  child2  has  been 
born  to  a  human  mother.  The  husband  and  his  friends  arm  themselves 
with  long  knives  or  head-axes,  and  enter  the  dwelling,  where  they 
kill  a  rooster.  The  blood  is  mixed  with  rice ;  and  this,  together  with 
nine  coconut  shells  filled  with  basi,  is  placed  beneath  the  house  for 
the  anitos  to  eat.  While  the  spirits  are  busy  with  this  repast,  the 
mother,  wrapped  in  a  blanket,  is  secretly  passed  out  a  window  and 
taken  to  another  house.  Then  the  men  begin  shouting,  and  at  the 
same  time  slash  right  and  left  against  the  house-posts  with  their 
weapons.  In  this  way  the  evil  spirits  are  not  only  kept  from  noticing 
the  absence  of  the  mother,  but  are  also  driven  to  a  distance.  This 
procedure  is  repeated  under  nine  houses,  after  which  they  return  to 
the  dwelling  with  the  woman.  As  soon  as  they  reach  the  top  of  the 
ladder,  an  old  woman  throws  down  ashes  "to  blind  the  eyes  of  the 


1  Such  a  taboo  sign  is  here  known  as  kanyau.  It  is  not  always  used  at  the 
conclusion  of  this  ceremony,  but  is  strictly  observed  following  the  cutting  of  the 
first  rice. 

*  That  is,  a  premature  child. 


272  The  Tinguian 

anitos,  so  that  they  cannot  see  to  come  up."1  She  likewise  breaks  a 
number  of  small  jars,  "which  look  like  heads,"  as  a  threat  of  the 
treatment  which  awaits  them  if  they  attempt  to  return  to  the  house. 

Within  the  dwelling  food  and  presents  are  offered  to  the  good 
spirits,  and  all  who  have  participated  in  the  anito  driving  are  feasted. 

Next  morning,  a  wash,  said  to  be  particularly  distasteful  to  the 
evil  anito,  is  prepared.  It  consists  of  water  in  which  are  placed  lemon, 
bamboo,  and  atis  leaves,  a  cigar  stub,  and  ashes  from  burned  rice 
straw.  The  family  wash  in  this  mixture,  and  are  then  fully  protected 
against  any  evil  spirits,  which  may  still  remain  after  the  terrifying 
events  of  the  previous  night. 

Childhood. — When  outside  the  house,  small  babies  are  always 
carried  by  their  mothers  or  older  sisters  (Plate  XV).  The  little  one 
either  sits  astride  its  mother's  hip  or  fits  against  the  small  of  the  back, 
and  is  held  in  place  by  her  arm  or  by  a  blanket  which  passes  over  one 
shoulder.  From  this  position  the  infant  is  readily  shifted,  so  that 
it  can  nurse  whenever  it  is  hungry.  There  are  no  regular  periods  for 
feeding,  neither  is  there  a  definite  time  for  weaning.  Most  children 
continue  to  nurse  until  quite  large,  or  until  they  are  displaced  by 
newcomers.  However,  they  are  given  some  solid  food,  such  as  rice, 
while  very  young,  and  soon  they  are  allowed  to  suck  sugar-cane  and 
sweet  potatoes.  It  is  also  a  common  thing  to  see  a  mother  take  the 
pipe  from  her  mouth,  and  place  it  in  that  of  her  nursing  infant.  They 
thus  acquire  the  habit  of  using  tobacco  at  a  very  early  age,  and  con- 
tinue it  through  life,  but  apparently  without  evil  effects.  Weaning 
is  accomplished  by  rubbing  the  breasts  with  powdered  chile  peppers, 
or  plants  with  sour  flavor. 

A  crib  or  sleeping  basket  is  made  out  of  bamboo  or  rattan,  and 
thi^  is  attached  to  the  center  of  a  long  bamboo  pole,  which  is  suspended 
across  one  corner  of  the  room  (Fig.  1,  No.  2).  The  pole  bends  with 
each  movement  of  the  child,  and  thus  it  rocks  itself  to  sleep.  Another 
device  in  which  small  children  are  kept  is  known  as  galong-galong. 
This  consists  of  a  board  seat  attached  to  a  strip  of  split  rattan  at 
each  corner.  Sliding  up  and  down  on  these  strips  are  vertical  and 
horizontal  pieces  of  reed  or  bamboo,  which  form  an  open  box-like 
frame  (Fig.  1,  No.  1).  The  reeds  are  raised,  the  child  is  put  in, 
and  then  they  are  slipped  back  in  place.  This  device  is  suspended 
from  a  rafter,  at  such  a  height  that  it  can  serve  either  as  a  swing 
or  walker,  as  desired. 

When  the  mother  goes  to  the  village  spring  or  to  the  river,  she 

1  Ashes  are  used  against  evil  spirits  by  the  Peninsular  Malay  (Skeat,  Malay 
Magic,  p.  325). 


The  Cycle  of  Life 


273 


carries  her  baby  with  her,  and  invariably  gives  it  a  bath  in  the  cold 
water.  This  she  applies  with  her  hand  or  a  coconut  shell,  and  fre- 
quently she  ends  the  process  by  dipping  the  small  body  into  the  water. 
Apparently,  the  children  do  not  enjoy  the  ordeal  any  more  than 
European  youngsters ;  but  this  early  dislike  for  the  water  is  soon 
overcome,  and  they  go  to  the  streams  to  paddle  and  play,  and  quickly 
become   excellent  swimmers.    They   learn  that  certain   sluggish   fish 


hide  beneath  large  rocks ;  and  oftentimes 
a  whole  troop  of  naked  youngsters  may 
be  seen  going  up  stream,  carefully  feel- 
ing under  the  stones,  and  occasionally 
shouting  with  glee,  as  a  slippery  trophy 
is  drawn  out  with  the  bare  hands.  They 
also  gather  shell  fish  and  shrimps,  and 
their  catch  often  adds  variety  to  the  family 
meal. 

Children  are  seldom  punished  or  scold- 
ed. All  the  family  exhibit  real  affection 
for  the  youngsters,  and  find  time  to  devote 
to  them.  A  man  is  never  too  old  or  too 
busy  to  take  up  and  amuse  or  caress  the 
babies.  Kissing  seems  to  be  unknown, 
but  a  similar  sign  of  affection  is  given 
by  placing  the  lips  to  the  face  and  draw- 
ing the  breath  in  suddenly.  A  mother  is 
often  heard  singing  to  her  babes,  but  the 

songs  are  usually   improvised,  and    generally    consist    of    a    single 

sentence  repeated  over  and  over. 


1 
Fig.  1. 
Child's  Cradle  and  jumper 


274  The  Tinguian 

Aside  from  the  daily  bath,  the  child  has  little  to  disturb  it  during 
the  first  five  or  six  years  of  its  life.  It  has  no  birthdays,  its  hair  is 
never  cut,  unless  it  be  that  it  is  trimmed  over  the  eyes  to  form  bangs, 
and  it  wears  clothing  only  on  very  special  occasions.  The  children 
are  by  no  means  innocent  in  sexual  matters ;  but  absolute  familiarity 
with  nudity  has  removed  all  curiosity  and  false  modesty,  and  the  re- 
lations between  the  sexes  are  no  freer  than  in  civilized  communities. 

When  garments  are  put  on,  they  are  identical  with  those  worn  by 
the  elders.  At  all  ages  the  people  will  discard  their  clothing  without 
any  sense  of  shame,  whenever  the  occasion  demands ;  as,  for  instance, 
the  fording  of  a  stream,  or  when  a  number  of  both  sexes  happen  to 
be  bathing  at  the  same  time  in  the  village,  pool.  This  does  not  lead 
to  immodesty  or  lewdness,  and  a  person  who  is  careless  about  the 
acts,  which  are  not  considered  proper  in  Tinguian  society,  is  an  object 
of  scorn  quite  as  much  as  he  would  be  in  a  more  advanced  community. 

The  first  toys  generally  consist  of  pigs,  carabao,  or  horses  made 
by  sticking  bamboo  legs  into  a  sweet  potato  or  mango.  A  more  elabor- 
ate plaything  is  an  imitation  snake  made  of  short  bamboo  strips 
fastened  together  with  cords  at  top,  center,  and  bottom.  When  this 
is  held  near  the  middle  by  the  thumb  and  forefinger,  it  winds  and 
curls  about  as  if  alive. 

Stilts  of  bamboo,  similar  to  those  used  in  America,  are  sometimes 
used  by  the  older  children,  but  the  more  popular  local  variety  is  made 
by  fastening  cords  through  the  tops  of  half  coconut  shells.  The 
youth  holds  a  cord  in  each  hand,  stands  on  the  shells  with  the  lines 
passing  between  the  first  two  toes,  and  then  walks. 

Flat  boards  with  cords  attached  become  "carabao  sleds,"  and  in 
these  immense  loads  of  imaginary  rice  are  hauled  to  the  granaries. 
A  similar  device  serves  as  a  harrow,  while  a  stick  is  converted  into 
a  "plough"  or  "horse,"  as  is  desired.  Imitation  carabao  yokes  are  much 
prized,  and  the  children  pass  many  hours  serving  as  draught  animals 
or  drivers.  The  bull-roarer,  made  by  putting  a  thin  piece  of  bamboo 
on  a  cord  and  whirling  it  about  the  head,  makes  a  pleasing  noise, 
and  is  excellent  to  use  in  frightening  stray  horses.  Blow-guns,  made 
out  of  bamboo  or  the  hollow  tubes  of  plants,  vie  in  popularity  with 
a  pop-gun  of  similar  construction.  A  wad  of  leaves  is  driven  through 
with  a  plunger,  and  gives  a  sharp  report,  as  it  is  expelled. 

Tops  are  among  the  prized  possessions  of  the  boys.  They  are 
spun,  or  are  wound  with  cord,  and  are  thrown  overhand  at  those  of 
other  players,  with  the  intention  of  splitting  or  marking  them. 

Quite  as  popular,  with  the  small  girls,  are  tiny  pestles  with  which 
they  industriously  pound  rice  chaff,  in  imitation  of  their  mothers. 


The  Cycle  of  Life  275 

While  still  mere  babies,  the  boys  begin  to  play  with  toy  knives 
made  of  wood,  but  by  the  time  they  are  seven  or  eight  years  of  age, 
they  are  permitted  to  carry  long  bolos,  and  before  puberty  they  are 
expert  with  the  weapons  Used  by  the  tribe  (Plate  XI).  In  the  moun- 
tain regions  in  particular,  it  is  a  common  occurrence  for  groups  of 
youngsters,  armed  with  reed  spears  and  palm-bark  shields,  to  carry 
on  mock  battles.  They  also  learn  to  make  traps  and  nets,  and  often- 
times they  return  to  the  village  with  a  good  catch  of  small  birds. 

Full  grown  dogs  are  seldom  friendly  or  considered  as  pets;  but 
puppies,  small  chickens,  parrakeets,  pigs,  and  baby  carabao  make  ex- 
cellent playfellows,  and  suffer  accordingly.  From  the  day  of  its  birth, 
the  young  carabao  is  taken  possession  of  by  the  children,  who  will 
fondle  and  tease  it,  ride  on  its  back,  or  slide  off  over  its  head  or  tail. 
Soon  they  gain  confidence,  and  find  similar  amusements  with  the  full 
grown  animals.  These  huge  beasts  are  often  surly  or  vicious,  especially 
around  white  men,  but  they  recognize  their  masters  in  the  little  brown 
folk,  and  submit  meekly  to  their  antics.  In  fact,  the  greater  part  of 
the  care  of  these  animals  is  entrusted  to  young  boys. 

When  not  engaged  in  some  of  the  amusements  already  mentioned, 
it  is  probable  that  the  youngster  is  one  of  the  group  of  naked  little 
savages,  which  races  through  the  village  on  the  way  to  the  swimming 
hole,  or  climbs  tall  trees  from  the  top  of  which  sleeping  pigs  can  be 
easily  bombarded.  Should  the  children  be  so  fortunate  as  to  possess 
a  tin  can,  secured  from  some  visiting  traveller,  they  quickly  convert 
it  into  a  drum  or  gansa,  and  forthwith  start  a  celebration.  All  can 
dance  and  sing,  play  on  nose  flutes,  bamboo  guitars,  or  Jew's  harps. 

In  addition  to  songs  of  their  own  composition,  there  are  other 

songs,  which  are  heard  whenever  the  children  are  at  play.  They  make 

a  swing  by  tying  ropes  to  a  carabao  yoke,  and  attach  it  to  a  limb; 

then,  as  they  swing,  they  sing: 

"Pull  swing.     My  swing  is  a  snake. 

"Do  not  writhe  like  a  snake.    My  swing  is  a  big  snake. 

"Do  not  turn  and  twist.     My  swing  is  a  lizard. 

"Do  not  tremble  or  shake." 

When  a  group  gathers  under  a  house  to  pop  corn  in  the  burning 
rice  chaff,  they  chant: 

"Pop,  pop,  become  like  the  privates  of  a  woman. 
"Make  a  noise,  make  a  noise,  like  the  clay  jar. 
"Pop,  pop,  like  the  coconut  shell  dish. 
"Sagai,  sagai,1  make  a  noise  like  the  big  jar." 

When  the  smoke  blows  toward  a  part  of  the  children,  the  others 

sing  over  and  over : 

"Deep  water  here;  high  land  there." 

1  Sagai  is  the  sound  made  when  scratching  away  the  embers  of  a  fire. 


276  The  Tinguian 

A  favorite  game  is  played  by  a  number  of  children.  Part  stand 
on  the  edge  of  a  bank,  part  below.  Those  above  sing,  "Jump  down, 
where  the  big  stone  is,  the  big  stone  which  swallows  people.  Big  stone, 
which  swallows  people,  where  are  you?"  To  this  the  children  below 
reply,  "I  am  here.  I  am  the  big  rock  which  swallows  men.  Come 
down  here."  As  those  on  the  bank  jump  down,  they  are  piled  upon, 
and  a  free-for-all  tussel  ensues.  In  the  midst  of  this,  one  of  the  play- 
ers suddenly  sings  out,  "I  am  a  deer  in — ,  I  am  very  fat."  With 
this  he  starts  off  on  a  run,  and  the  rest  of  the  party,  now  suddenly 
transformed  into  dogs,  take  up  the  chase,  yelping  and  barking.  When 
the  deer  becomes  tired,  he  makes  for  the  water,  where  he  is  con- 
sidered safe;  but  if  he  is  caught,  he  is  rolled  and  bitten  by  the  dogs. 

Another  game  played  by  both  boys  and  girls  is  known  as  maysansa- 
tii,  and  is  much  like  hide-and-go-seek.  One  boy  holds  out  an  open 
hand,  and  the  others  lay  their  fingers  in  his  palm,  while  the  leader 
counts,  maysansani,  duan-nani,  mataltali,1  ocop."  As  ocop  ("four"  or 
"ready")  is  pronounced,  the  boy  quickly  closes  his  hand  in  order  to 
catch  a  finger.  If  he  succeeds,  the  prisoner  puts  his  hands  over  his 
eyes,  and  the  leader  holds  him,  while  the  others  run  and  hide.  When 
all  are  ready,  he  is  released,  and  then  must  find  all  the  players ;  or  he 
is  beaten  on  the  forearm  with  the  first  and  second  fingers  of  all  the 
participants,  or  they  may  pick  him  up  by  his  head  and  feet,  and  whirl 
him  about. 

Like  European  children,  they  have  a  set  of  small  sayings  or  acts 
for  use  on  appropriate  occasions.  A  youngster  may  come  up  to  an- 
other who  is  eating  a  luscious  mango;  when  requested  for  a  bite,  he 
is  apt  to  draw  down  the  lower  lid  of  his  eye  and  coolly  answer,  "I 
will  make  a  sound  like  swallowing  for  you,"  and  then  go  on  with 
the  feast.  He  may  even  hold  out  the  tempting  fruit,  as  if  to  comply 
with  the  request,  then  suddenly  jerk  it  back  and  shout  "kilat."2  This 
is  often  the  signal  for  a  scuffle. 

As  the  children  grow  older,  .they  begin  more  and  more  to  take 
their  place  in  the  village  life.  The  little  girl  becomes  the  chief  guard- 
ian of  a  new  arrival  in  the  family;  and  with  the  little  one  strapped 
on  her  back,  she  romps  and  plays,  while  the  baby  enjoys  it  all  or 
sleeps  serenely  (Plate  XII).  The  boy  also  assists  his  father  and 
mother  in  the  fields,  but  still  he  finds  some  time  for  games  of  a  more 
definite  character  than  those  just  described.  Probably  the  most  popu- 
lar of  these  is  known  as  agbita  or  llpt. 

1  From  maysa,  one ;  dua,  two ;  talo,  three. 

2  This  is  also  used  as  mockery.  It  has  no  exact  English  eqquivalent,  but  is 
similar  to  our  slang  "rubber.*' 


The  Cycle  of  Life 


277 


<5>C 


This  is  played  with  the  large  disk-shaped  seeds  of  the  tipl  plant 
(Ilocano  tlpai).  Each  player  puts  two  disks-  in  line,  then  all  go  to  a 
distance  and  shoot  toward  them.  The  shooter  is  held  between  the 
thumb  and  first  finger  of  the  left  hand,  and  is  propelled  forward  by 
the  index  finger  of  the  right.  The  one  whose  seed  goes  the  farthest 
gets  first  shot,  and  the  others  follow  in  order.  All  seeds  knocked  down 
belong  to  the  player,  and  if  any  are  still  in  line  after  each  has  had  his 
turn,  the  leader  shoots  again.  When  each  boy  has  had  two  shots,  or 
when  all  the  disks  are  down,  a  new  line  is  made;  and  he  whose  seed 
lies  at  the  greatest  distance  shoots  first. 

Another  common  game  is  patpatinglad,  which  has  certain  resem- 
blances to  cricket.  A  small  cylinder-shaped  missel,  called  papa-amk 
("little  duck"),  about  four  inches  long,  is  set  in  a  shallow  groove,  so 
that  one  end  stands  free;  it  is  then  struck  and  batted  with  a  bamboo 
stock — papa-ina  ("mother  duck").  The  lad  who  has  driven  his  missel 
the  farthest  is  the  winner,  and  hence  has  the  privilege  of  batting 
away  the  papa-anak  of  the  other  players,  so  that  they  will  have  to 
chase  them.  If  he  likes,  he  may  take  hold  of  the  feet  of  a  looser  and 
compel  him  to  walk  on  his  hands  to  secure  this  missel.  A  loser  is 
sometimes  taken  by  the  head  and  feet,  and  is  swung  in  a  circle. 

A  game  frequently  seen  in 
the  lowland  valleys  is  also  com- 
mon to  the  Ilocano  children,  who 
call  it  San  Pedro.  Lines  are 
drawn  on  the  ground  to  enclose 
a  space  about  thirty  feet  square 
(see  diagram  Fig.  2).  The  boys 
at  d  try  to  run  between  the  lines, 
and  at  the  same  time  evade  the 
guards  a,  b,  and  c.  Guard  a 
can  run  along  line  1,  or  4  as  far 
as  2.  Guard  b  must  stay  on  line 
2 ;  and  c  must  keep  on  3.  When 
the  runners  are  captured,  they 
become  the  guards. 

From  the  preceding  para- 
graphs it  may  be  surmized 
that  the  youth  is  quite  un- 
trained and  untaught.  It  is  true 
that  he  spends  no  time  in 
a  class-room ;  he  passes  through  no  initiation  at  the  time  of  puberty, 
neither  are  there  ceremonies  or  observances  of  any  kind  which  reveal 
to  him  the  secret  knowledge  of  the  tribe,  yet  he  quickly  learns  his  place 


•*=> 

1 

•  d 


Fig.  2. 
Diagram  of  a  Game. 


278  The  Tinguian 

in  society,  and  at  an  early  age  begins  to  absorb  its  customs  and  beliefs. 
He  sits  about  the  village  fires  in  the  evenings,  and  listens  to  the  tales 
of  long  ago,  or  hears  the  elders  discuss  the  problems  of  their  daily 
life.  During  the  hot  midday  hours,  he  lounges  in  the  field-houses,  while 
his  parents  relate  the  fate  of  lazy  children ;  or  tell  of  punishments  sent 
by  the  spirits  on  those  who  fail  to  follow  the  customs  of  the  ancestors, 
or  give  heed  to  the  omens.  He  attends  the  ceremonies,  where  he  not 
only  learns  the  details  of  these  important  events,  but  with  his  own 
eyes  sees  the  bodies  of  the  mediums  possessed  by  superior  beings,  and 
thus  the  close  relationship  of  the  spirit  world  to  his  people  is  forcibly 
brought  to  his  notice.  He  is  never  debarred  from  the  dances  or  other 
activities;  in  fact,  he  is  encouraged  to  take  part  in  them  or  to  imitate 
his  elders.  Soon  custom  gathers  him  into  its  net,  and  unless  he  is  the 
exceptional  individual,  or  comes  in  intimate  contact  with  outsiders, 
he  never  escapes. 

It  has  already  been  seen  that  he  begins  very  early  to  take  an  active 
part  in  the  village  life,  but  it  is  many  years  before  he  assumes  a 
position  of  importance  in  the  group.  It  is  only  when  age  and  ex- 
perience have  gained  for  him  the  respect  of  his  fellows  that  he  begins 
to  have  a  voice  in  the  more  weighty  affairs  of  Tinguian  life. 

Engagement  and  Marriage. — Since  there  are  no  clans  or  other 
groupings  to  limit  the  number  of  families  in  which  unions  may  be 
contracted,  the  only  impediments  are  former  marriage  ties  or  blood 
relationship.  Cousins  may  not  marry,  neither  is  a  man  allowed  to 
wed  his  step-sister,  his  wife's  sister,  or  her  mother. 

Engagement  takes  place  while  the  children  are  very  young,  some- 
times while  they  are  still  babes-in-arms ;  but  usually  the  contract  is 
made  when  they  are  six  or  eight  years  of  age. 

The  boy's  parents  take  the  initiative,  and  having  selected  a  suit- 
able girl,  they  broach  the  subject  to  her  family.  This  is  not  done 
directly,  but  through  an  intermediary,  generally  a  relative,  "who  can 
talk  much  and  well."  He  carries  with  him  three  beads — one  red, 
one  yellow,  and  one  agate,1  which  he  offers  "as  an  evidence  of  af- 
fection," and  then  proceeds  to  relate  the  many  desirable  qualities  of 
the  groom  and  his  family,  as  well  as  the  advantages  to  be  gained 
by  the  union.  If  the  suit  is  favored,  the  beads  are  attached  to  the 
girl's  wrist  as  a  sign  of  her  engagement,  and  a  day  is  set  for  the 
pakdlon2  or  price  fixing. 

1  In  Patok  only  the  agate  bead  (napodau)  is  used. 

'  The  less  pretentious  gathering,  held  by  the  very  poor,  is  known  as  polya. 


The  Cycle  of  Life  279 

On  the  appointed  day,  friends  and  relatives  gather  at  the  girl's 
home  and,  after  several  hours  of  feasting  and  drinking,  settle  down 
to  the  real  business  on  hand.  A  large  pig  is  slaughtered,  and  its  liver 
is  carefully  examined ;  for,  should  the  omens  be  unfavorable,  it  would 
be  useless  to  continue  the  negotiations  further  at  that  time  (cf.  p.  307). 
If  the  signs  are  good,  the  happy  crowd  forms  a  circle,  and  then  begins 
a  long  and  noisy  discussion  of  the  price  which  the  girl  should  bring. 
Theoretically,  the  payment  is  made  in  horses,  carabao,  jars,  blankets, 
and  rice,  but  as  each  article  is  considered  as  having  a  value  of  five 
pesos  ($2.50),  the  money  is  frequently  substituted,  especially  by 
people  in  poor  circumstances. 

A  portion  of  the  agreed  price  is  paid  at  once,  and  is  distributed 
between  the  girl's  parents  and  her  relatives,  who  thus  become  vitally 
interested  in  the  successful  termination  of  the  match;  for  should  it 
fail  of  consummation,  they  must  return  the  gifts  received.  The  bal- 
ance of  the  payment  is  often  delayed  for  a  considerable  time,  and  it 
not  infrequently  happens  that  there  is  still  a  balance  due  when  the 
man  dies.  In  such  a  case  no  division  of  his  property  can  be  made 
until  the  marriage  agreement  is  settled  in  full. 

The  completion  of  the  list  is  the  signal  for  great  rejoicing;  liquor 
circulates  freely,  the  men  sing  daleng  (cf.  p.  440),  and  tadek  (cf.  p. 
440)  is  danced  far  into  the  night. 

In  the  yard  where  the  dancing  takes  place,  three  inverted  rice- 
mortars  are  placed  one  above  the  other,  "to  serve  as  a  table  for  the 
spirits  who  always  attend."  A  dish  of  liquor  is  placed  on  it,  while 
at  its  side  is  a  spear  decorated  with  a  man's  belt. 

These  engagement-parties  are  the  great  social  affairs  of  the  year, 
and  friends  will  journey  long  distances  to  be  present,  but  the  betrothed 
couple  is  seldom  in  evidence,  and  in  many  instances  the  groom  is 
absent. 

Following  their  engagement  the  children  live  with  their  parents 
until  such  a  time  as  they  are  considered  old  enough  to  maintain  their 
own  home.  If  the  lad  comes  from  a  well-to-do  family,  it  is  probable 
that  the  final  ceremony  will  take  place  before  either  of  the  couple 
reaches  puberty;  but,  if  the  groom  must  earn  a  living,  the  marriage 
may  be  delayed  until  he  is  eighteen  or  nineteen  years  old  (Plate  XIII). 

When  the  time  for  the  fulfillment  of  the  agreement  arrives,  the 
boy  goes,  in  company,  at  night  to  the  girl's  house.  He  has  a  head- 
axe  hanging  from  his  belt,  but  he  is  the  only  one  so  armed.  An  earlier 
writer1  has  described  a  feigned  attack  on  the  house  of  the  bride  as 

1  Worcester,  The  Non-Christian  Tribes  of  Northern  Luzon  (Philippine 
Jour,  of  Science,  Vol.  I,  No.  8,  1906,  p.  858). 


280  The  Tinguian 

a  part  of  the  marriage  ceremony,  but  the  present  writer  did  not  wit- 
ness anything  of  the  sort,  nor  could  he  learn  of  any  such  action. 

The  groom  carries  with  him  a  small  part  of  the  marriage  payment 
and  a  valuable  jar;  these  he  presents  to  his  parents-in-law,  and  from 
that  time  on  he  may  never  call  them  or  their  near  relatives  by  name. 
Should  he  do  so,  "he  will  have  boils  and  the  first  child  will  be  insane." 

The  bride's  people  have  provided  a  coconut  shell  filled  with  water 
and  a  wooden  dish1  containing  cooked  rice.  These  are  placed  between 
the  couple,  as  they  sit  in  the  center  of  the  room  (Plate  XIV).  The 
boy's  mother  drops  two  beads  into  the  shell  cup,  and  bids  them  drink ; 
for,  "as  the  two  beads  always  go  together  at  the  bottom,  so  you  will 
go  together  and  will  not  part.  The  cool  water  will  keep  you  from  be- 
coming angry." 

Great  care  must  be  exercised  in  handling  the  cup;  for  should  the 
contents  be  shaken  the  couple  will  become  dizzy,  and  in  old  age  their 
heads  and  hands  will  shake.  After  they  have  drunk,  each  takes  a  hand- 
ful of  rice,  and  squeezes  it  into  a  ball.  The  girl  drops  hers  through 
the  slits  in  the  bamboo  floor  as  an  offering  to  the  spirits,  but  the  boy 
tosses  his  into  the  air.  If  it  breaks  or  rolls,  it  is  a  bad  sign,  and  the 
couple  is  apt  to  part,  or  their  children  die.  In  such  a  circumstance, 
the  marriage  is  usually  deferred,  and  tried  again  at  a  later  date;  but 
repeated  scattering  of  the  rice  generally  results  in  the  annulling  of 
the  agreement.2  Should  anything  in  the  dwelling  fall  or  be  broken 
during  the  ceremony,  it  is  halted  at  once ;  to  proceed  further  that  night 
would  be  to  court  misfortune.  However,  it  may  be  undertaken  again 
a  few  days  later. 

The  guests  depart  immediately  after  the  rice  ceremony.  No  food 
or  drink  is  offered  to  them,  nor  is  there  any  kind  of  celebration.3 

1  It  is  necessary  to  use  a  shallow  dish  with  a  high  pedestal  known  as  dias 
(Fig.  5,  No.  5). 

'  In  Ba-ak  the  breaking  and  scattering  of  the  rice  ball  is  considered  a  good 
omen,  as  it  presages  many  children.  In  San  Juan  the  youth  throws  a  rice  ball 
at  the  ridge  pole  of  the  house,  and  the  girl's  mother  does  the  same.  In  this 
instance,  each  grain  of  rice  which  adheres  to  the  pole  represents  a  child  to  be 
born. 

8  The  similarity  of  the  Tinguian  rice  ceremony  to  that  of  many  other 
Philippine  tribes  is  so  great  that  it  cannot  be  due  to  mere  chance.  Customs 
of  a  like  nature  were  observed  by  the  writer  among  the  Bukidnon,  Bagobo, 
Bila-an,  Kulaman,  and  Mandaya  of  Mindanao,  and  the  Batak  of  Palawan ; 
they  are  also  described  by  Reed  and  Worcester  for  the  Negrito  of  Zambales 
and  Bataan ;  while  Loarca,  writing  late  in  the  sixteenth  century,  records  a 
very  like  ceremony  practised  by  a  coast  group,  probably  the  Pintados.  At 
the  same  time  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  Jenks  found  among  the  Bontoc  Igorot 
a  great  divergence  both  in  courtship  and  marriage.  Among  the  Dusun  of 
British  North  Borneo  the  marriage  of  children  of  the  well-to-do  is  consummated 


The  Cycle  of  Life  281 

That  night  the  couple  sleep  with  a  pillow  between  them,1  and 
under  the  groom's  pillow  is  a  head-axe.  Early  in  the  morning,  the 
girl's  mother  or  some  other  elderly  female  of  her  family  awakens 
them,  and  leads  the  way  to  the  village  spring.  Arriving  there,  she 
pours  water  in  a  coconut  shell,  which  contains  a  cigar  from  which 
the  couple  have  drawn  smoke;2  she  adds  leaves  of  bamboo  and 
agiwas,  and  washes  their  faces  with  the  liquid,  "to  show  that  they 
now  have  all  in  common ;  that  the  tobacco  may  keep  them  and  their 
children  from  becoming  insane;  that  the  agiwas  will  keep  them  in 
health ;  and  the  bamboo  will  make  them  strong  and  insure  many  child- 
ren, the  same  as  it  has  many  sprouts."  On  their  way  home,  the  boy 
cuts  a  dangla  shrub  (Vitex  negundo  L.)  with  his  head-axe,  and  later 
attaches  it  to  the  door  of  their  home,  "so  that  they  may  have  many 
children." 

Throughout  that  day  the  doors  and  windows  are  kept  tightly 
closed ;  for  should  the  young  people  see  birds  or  chickens  having  inter- 
course, they  are  apt  to  become  insane,  and  their  first  born  have  sore 
or  crossed  eyes. 

The  next  morning  is  known  as  sipslpot  ("the  watching").  Ac- 
companied by  the  girl's  parents,  the  couple  goes  to  the  father's  fields. 
On  the  way  they  carefully  observe  any  signs  which  animals,  birds, 
or  nature,  may  give  them.  When  they  reach  the  fields,  the  boy  shows 
his  respect  for  his  elders  by  cutting  the  grass  along  the  borders  with 
his  head-axe.  This  service  also  counteracts  any  bad  sign  which  they 
may  have  received  that  morning.  He  next  takes  a  little  of  the  soil 
on  his  axe,  and  both  he  and  his  bride  taste  of  it,  "so  that  the  ground 
will  yield  good  harvests"  for  them,  and  they  will  become  rich.8 

by  the  eating  of  rice  from  the  same  plate.  Other  instances  of  eating  together, 
as  a  part  of  the  marriage  ceremony  in  Malaysia,  are  given  by  Crawley.  See 
Cole,  The  Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District,  Mindanao  (Field  Museum  of 
Natural  History.  Vol.  XII,  No.  2,  pp.  102,  144,  157,  192)  ;  Reed,  Negritos  of 
Zambales  {Pub.  Ethnological  Survey,  Vol.  II,  pt.  1,  p.  58  (Manila,  1904); 
Worcester,  Philippine  Journal  of  Science,  Vol.  I,  p.  811  (Manila,  1906); 
Loarca,  Relacion  de  las  Yslas  Filipinas,  Chap.  X  (Arevalo,  1580),  translated 
in  Blair  and  Robertson,  The  Philippine  Islands,  Vol.  V,  pp.  i$7,  et  seq.;  Jenks, 
The  Bontoc  Igorot  (Pub.  Ethnological  Survey,  Vol.  I,  pp.  68,  et  seq.,  Manila, 
1905);  Evans,  Journ.  Royal  Anth.  Inst.,  Vol.  XLVII,  p.  159;  Crawley,  The 
Mystic  Rose  (London,  1902),  pp.  379,  et  seq. 

1  In  Manabo  an  old  woman  sleeps  between  them.  Among  the  Bagobo 
and  Kulaman,  of  Mindanao,  a  child  is  placed  between  the  pair.  See  Cole, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  102,  157. 

2  In  Likuan  they  chew  of  the  same  betel-nut.  Among  the  Batak  of  Palawan 
they  smoke,  of  the  same  cigar. 

*  This  part  of  the  ceremony  is  now  falling  into  disuse. 


282  The  Tinguian 

Nowadays  the  couple  goes  to  the  home,  prepared  by  the  groom 
and  his  parents,  as  soon  as  it  is  ready,  but  the  tales  indicate1  that  in 
former  times  they  lived  for  a  time  with  the  boy's  parents.  They  are 
accompanied  by  the  groom's  mother,  and  go  very  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, as  they  are  then  less  apt  to  receive  bad  signs  from  the  birds. 
The  girl  carries  her  sleeping  mat  and  two  pillows ;  but  before  she 
has  deposited  these  in  her  new  dwelling,  she  seats  herself  on  the 
bamboo  floor  with  her  legs  stretched  out  in  front.  It  then  becomes 
necessary  for  the  groom  to  present  her  with  a  string  of  agate  beads 
equal  in  length  to  the  combined  width  of  the  bamboo  slats  which 
she  covers.  Before  she  can  eat  of  her  husband's  rice,  he  must  give 
her  a  string  of  beads,  or  she  will  become  ill;  she  may  not  open  his 
granary  until  a  like  present  has  been  given,  or  the  resident  spirit  will 
make  her  blind;  neither  may  she  take  food  from  the  pots  or  water 
from  the  jars,  until  other  beads  have  been  presented  to  her. 

If  the  girl  comes  from  another  village,  it  is  customary  to  make 
a  payment  to  her  parents  for  each  stream  crossed  on  the  journey  to 
the  new  home;  another  is  demanded  before  she  goes  up  the  house 
ladder,  and  still  others  when  she  enters  the  house,  and  her  belongings 
are  brought  in.2 

A  common  occurrence  in  Ba-ak  and  the  San  Juan  district  is  for 
the  parents  of  the  girl  to  spread  rows  of  baskets,  Chinese  plates  or 
jars  on  the  floor  and  to  offer  them  to  the  groom.  Before  he  can  ac- 
cept them,  he  must  make  a  return  gift  of  money,  beads,  and  the  like 
for  each  one.  It  is  explained  by  the  elders  that,  when  the  young 
people  see  all  the  gifts  spread  out  on  the  floor,  they  will  appreciate  the 
expense  involved,  and  will  be  less  likely  to  separate. 

If  at  any  time  the  relatives  of  the  girl  have  reason  to  doubt  the 
husband's  affection,  they  go  to  his  home,  and  hold  a  gathering  known 
as  nagkakalo-nan.  They  place  a  pig,  a  jar,  and  a  number  of  baskets 
on  the  floor ;  and  the  husband  is  obliged  to  exchange  money  and  other 
gifts  for  them,  if  he  desires  to  convince  the  people  of  his  continued 
love.  After  the  pig  has  been  served  as  food,  the  old  men  deliberate ; 
and  should  they  decide  that  the  relatives  have  erred,  they  assess  the 

1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  12. 

2  Here  again  the  Tinguian  ceremony  closely  resembles  the  ancient  custom 
described  by  Loarca.  In  his  account,  the  bride  was  carried  to  the  house  of 
the  groom.  At  the  foot  of  the  stairway  she  was  given  a  present  to  induce 
her  to  proceed ;  when  she  had  mounted  the  steps,  she  received  another,  as 
she  looked  in  upon  the  guests,  another.  Before  she  could  be  induced  to  set 
down,  to  eat  and  drink,  she  was  likewise  given  some  prized  object.  Loarca, 
Relacion  de  las  Yslas  Filipinas,  Chap.  X;  also  Blair  and  Robertson,  op.  cit., 
Vol.  V,  p.  157 


The  Cycle  of  Life  283 

whole  cost  of  the  gathering  to  the  plaintiffs,  and  return  the  gifts.  If 
the  charge  is  sustained,  the  relatives  recover  the  price  of  the  pig,  and 
retain  the  articles  received  in  exchange  for  the  baskets  and  dishes. 

Divorce  is  not  uncommon,  and  is  effected  by  a  council  similar  to 
that  just  described.  An  attempt  to  reconcile  the  couple  is  made,  but 
if  that  fails,  the  old  men  decide  who  is  at  fault,  and  assess  the  ex- 
penses of  the  gathering  to  that  one.  If  blame  attaches  to  the  husband, 
he  must  complete  any  part  of  the  marriage  price  still  due;  but  if  the 
woman  is  guilty,  her  parents  and  relatives  must  return  the  gifts  dis- 
tributed at  the  time  of  the  engagement.  The  chief  causes  for  divorce 
are  cruelty  or  laziness  on  the  part  of  the  man,  or  unfaithfulness  of 
the  woman. 

Small  children  are  generally  left  with  the  mother,  but  when  they 
are  old  enough  to  decide,  they  may  choose  between  their  parents. 
However,  the  father  must  aid  in  the  support  of  his  offspring,  and 
they  share  in  his  property  when  he  dies.  Either  party  to  a  divorce 
may  remarry  at  any  time. 

The  Tinguian  recognize  only  one  wife,  but  a  man  may  have  as 
many  concubines  (pota),  as  he  can  secure.  The  pota  lives  in  a  house 
of  her  own,  but  she  is  held  somewhat  in  contempt  by  the  other  woman, 
and  is  seldom  seen  in  the  social  gatherings  or  in  other  homes.  Her 
children  belong  to  the  father,  and  she  has  no  right  of  appeal  to  the 
old  men,  except  in  cases  of  cruelty.  Men  with  concubines  do  not  suf- 
fer in  the  estimation  of  their  fellows,  but  are  considered  clever  to 
have  won  two  or  three  women. 

The  pota  is  generally  faithful  to  one  man,  and  prostitution  is  almost 
unknown.  Unfaithfulness  on  the  part  of  a  betrothed  girl,  or  wife, 
or  even  a  pota  is  almost  certain  to  cause  serious  trouble,  and  is  likely 
to  end  in  a  murder. 

The  early  pledging  and  marriage  of  the  children  has  reduced  illicit 
sexual  intercourse  to  a  minimum ;  nevertheless,  it  sometimes  happens 
that  an  unbetrothed  girl,  not  a  pota,  is  found  to  be  pregnant.  In  such 
a  case  the  man  is  expected  to  make  a  gift  of  about  one  hundred  pesos 
to  the  girl's  people,  and  he  must  support  the  child  when  finally  it  comes 
into  his  keeping.  Neither  party  to  such  an  occurrence  loses  standing 
in  the  community  unless  the  father  should  fail  to  redeem  the  child. 
Should  this  happen,  he  would  be  a  subject  of  ridicule  in  the  com- 
munity, and  a  fine  might  also  result.  The  usual  outcome  of  such  an 
illicit  union  is  that  the  girl  becomes  the  pota  of  her  child's  father. 

Death  and  Burial. — Sickness  and  death  are  usually  caused  by 
unfriendly  spirits;1  sometimes  Kadaklan  himself  thus  punishes  those 

1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  172.  The  origin 
of  death  is  also  given  in  the  tales,  ibid.,  p.  177. 


284  The  Tinguian 

who  refuse  to  obey  the  customs ;  sometimes  they  are  brought  about 
by  mortals  who  practise  magic,  or  by  individuals  themselves  as  punish- 
ment for  violated  taboos ;  and  finally  violent  death  is  recognized  as 
coming  from  human  agency. 

The  methods  of  cajoling  the  spirits,  of  overcoming  magic,  and 
thwarting  evil  designs  are  discussed  in  another  chapter  (cf.  pp.  295 
et  seq.).  If  all  these  fail,  and  the  patient  dies,  the  family  and  relatives 
at  once  don  old  garments,  and  enter  on  a  period  of  mourning,  while 
friends  and  relatives  assist  in  the  disposal  of  the  corpse. 

A  funeral  is  a  great  event  in  a  Tinguian  village.  The  dead  is 
bathed,  "so  that  his  spirit1  may  be  clean,"  and  is  placed  in  a  bamboo 
seat  at  the  end  of  the  house.  This  seat,  which  is  known  as  sangddel, 
is  constructed  by  placing  three  long  bamboo  poles  against  the  wall 
and  resting  a  frame  of  bamboo  slats  on  them,  to  a  height  of  about 
three  feet.  A  mat  is  attached  to  the  top,  and  is  stretched  onto  the 
floor  in  front. 

The  corpse  is  dressed  in  its  best  garments,  beads  and  silver  wire 
surround  its  neck,  while  above  and  about  it  are  many  valuable  blankets, 
belts,  clouts,  woven  skirts,  and  the  like,  which  the  spirit  is  to  take 
with  him  to  the  ancestors  in  Maglawa,  his  future  home.  A  live  chicken 
is  placed  behind  the  chair  as  an  offering,  but  following  the  funeral 
it  becomes  the  property  of  the  friend,  who  removes  the  poles  from 
the  house.  The  flesh  of  a  small  pig  is  also  offered  to  the  spirits,  while 
the  intestines  are  hung  just  outside  the  door,  until  the  body  is  buried. 
In  the  yard  at  the  north-east  corner  of  the  house  stands  an  inverted 
rice-mortar  on  which  is  a  dish  of  basi, — an  offering  to  the  spirit  Al-lot, 
who  in  return  prevents  the  people  from  becoming  angry. 

The  needs  of  the  spirit  of  the  deceased  are  looked  after  by  the 
members  of  the  family.  It  is  their  duty  to  place  two  small  jars  of 
liquor  near  to  the  corpse  and  to  bring  food  to  it,  when  the  others 
are  eating. 

Up  to  this  point  only  those  spirits  who  attend  the  ceremony  with 
friendly  intent  have  been  provided  for,  but  the  Tinguian  realize  that 
there  are  others  who  must  be  kept  at  a  distance  or  at  least  be  com- 
pelled to  leave  the  body  unharmed.  The  first  of  these  evil  beings  to 
be  guarded  against  is  Kadongayan,2  who  in  former  times  used  to 
attend  each  funeral  and  amuse  himself  by  sliting  the  mouth  of  the 

1  The  spirit  of  the  dead  is  generally  known  as  kalading,  but  in  Manabo 
it  is  called  kal-kolayo  and  in  Likuan  alalya;  in  Ilokano,  al-alid  means  "phantom" 
or  "ghost." 

'  In  some  villages  SElday  is  the  spirit  against  whom  this  precaution  is  taken. 


The  Cycle  of  Life  285 

corpse,  so  that  it  extended  from  ear  to  ear.  Through  the  friendly 
instruction  of  Kabonlyan  it  was  learned  that,  if  a  live  chicken,  with 
its  mouth  split  down  to  its  throat,  were  fastened  to  the  door  of  the 
house,  its  suffering  would  be  noticed  by  the  evil  spirit,  who,  fearing 
similar  treatment,  would  not  attempt  to  enter  the  dwelling.1 

The  spirit  Ibwa  is  also  much  feared.2  Long  ago  he  used  to  mingle 
with  the  people  in  human  form,  without  harming  them,  but  the  thought- 
less act  of  a  mourner  started  him  on  the  evil  course  he  has  since  pur- 
sued. In  those  times,  it  is  said,  the  corpse  was  kept  in  the  dwelling 
seven  days ;  and,  as  the  body  decomposed,  the  liquid  which  came  from 
it  was  caught  in  dishes,  and  was  placed  in  the  grave.  On  the  occasion 
referred  to,  he  was  handed  a  cup  of  the  "lard"  to  drink.  He  immediately 
acquired  a  great  liking  for  this  disgusting  dish,  and  frequently  even 
devoured  the  body  as  well.  Since  he  fears  iron,  it  is  possible  to  drive 
him  away  by  using  metal  weapons.  It  is  also  necessary  to  guard  the 
grave  against  him  and  the  spirit  SElday,  who  demands  blood  or  the 
corpse. 

Akop  is  another  evil  spirit,  who  has  a  head,  long  slimy  arms  and 
legs,  but  no  body.  He  is  always  near  the  place  of  death,  awaiting  an 
opportunity  to  embrace  the  spouse  of  the  deceased,  and  once  let  the 
living  feel  his  cold  embrace,  death  is  sure  to  follow.  So  a  barricade 
of  pillows  is  erected  at  one  corner  of  the  room,  and  behind  this  the 
wife  is  compelled  to  remain  during  the  three  days  the  body  is  kept 
in  the  house,  while  throughout  the  night  she  sleeps  under  a  fish  net, 
in  the  meshes  of  which  the  long  fingers  of  the  spirit  are  sure  to  be- 
come entangled.  Meanwhile,  two  or  three  old  women  sit  near  the 
corpse  fanning  it  and  wailing  continually,  at  the  same  time  keeping 
close  watch  to  prevent  the  spirits  from  approaching  the  body  or  the 
widow  (Plate  XVI).  From  time  to  time  the  wife  may  creep  over 
to  the  corpse,  and  wailing  and  caressing  it  beg  the  spirit  not  to  depart.3 
According  to  custom,  she  has  already  taken  off  her  beads,  has  put  on 
old  garments  and  a  bark  head-band,  and  has  placed  over  her  head  a 


1  In  Daligan  and  some  other  villages  in  Ilocos  Norte,  a  chicken  is  killed, 
is  burned  in  a  fire,  and  then  is  fastened  beside  the  door  in  place  of  the  live 
bird. 

a  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian.  this  volume,  No.  I,  p.  181. 

*  During  the  funeral  of  Malakay,  in  Patok,  August  16,  1907,  the  wife  kept 
wailing,  "Malakay,  Malakay,  take  me  with  you  where  you  go.  Malakay,  Malakay, 
take  me  with  you.  I  have  no  brother.  We  were  together  here,  do  not  let  us 
part.     Malakay,  take  me  with  you  where  you  go." 


286  The  Tinguian 

large  white  blanket,  which  she  wears  until  after  the  burial.1  Likewise 
all  the  relatives  don  old  garments,  and  are  barred  from  all  work.  The 
immediate  family  is  under  still  stricter  rules.  Corn  is  their  only  food ; 
they  may  not  touch  anything  bloody,  neither  can  they  swing  their 
arms  as  they  walk.  They  are  prohibited  from  mounting  a  horse,  and 
under  no  circumstances  are  they  allowed  to  leave  the  village  or  join 
in  merry-making.  Failure  to  obey  these  rules  is  followed  by  swift 
punishment,  generally  meted  out  by  the  spirit  of  the  dead.2  Except 
for  the  wife,  these  restrictions  are  raised  after  the  blood  and  oil  cer- 
emony (described  in  a  later  paragraph),  but  the  widow  continues  in 
mourning  until  the  Layog  is  celebrated,  at  the  end  of  a  year. 

According  to  many  informants  among  the  older  men,  it  was  for- 
merly necessary,  following  the  death  of  an  adult,  for  the  men  to  put 
on  white  head-bands  and  go  out  on  a  head-hunt.  Until  their  return 
it  was  impossible  to  hold  the  ceremony  which  released  the  relatives 
from  the  taboo.3  During  the  first  two  days  that  the  body  is  in  the 
house,  the  friends  and  relatives  gather  to  do  honor  to  the  dead  and  to 
partake  of  the  food  and  drink,  which  are  always  freely  given  at  such 
a  time ;  but  there  is  neither  music,  singing,  or  dancing.4 

On  the  morning  of  the  third  day,  the  male  guests  assemble  in  the 
yard,  and  after  drinking  basi  they  select  one  of  their  number  and  pro- 
ceed to  beat  him  across  the  wrist  or  thigh,  with  a  light  rod 
(Plate  XVII).  Two  hundred  blows  are  required,  but  since  the  stick 
is  split  at  one  end  only,  one  hundred  strokes  are  given.  This  whipping 
is  not  severe,  but  the  repeated  blows  are  sufficient  to  cause  the  flesh 
to  swell.  As  soon  as  the  first  man  is  beaten,  he  takes  the  rod  and 
then  proceeds  to  apply  one  hundred  and  fifty  strokes5  to  each  man 

1  In  Manabo  the  wife  is  covered  at  night  with  a  white  blanket,  but  during 
the  day  she  wears  it  bandoleer  fashion  over  one  shoulder.  In  Ba-ak  a  white 
blanket  with  black  border  is  used  in  a  similar  way.  If  the  wife  has  neglected 
her  husband  during  his  illness,  his  relatives  may  demand  that  she  be  punished 
by  having  a  second  blanket  placed  over  her,  unless  she  pays  them  a  small  amount. 
It  sometimes  occurs  that  the  Lakay  or  old  men  impose  both  fine  and  punishment. 
In  Likuan  the  blanket  is  placed  over  the  corpse  and  the  wife. 

2  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  I,  p.  180. 

3  This  is  still  the  case  among  the  Apayao  who  live  to  the  north  of  the 
Tinguian  (Cole,  Am.  Anthropologist,  Vol.  ii,  No.  3,  1009,  p.  340).  The  custom 
is  reflected  in  the  folk-tales  (Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1, 
p.  190;  cf.  also  p.  372). 

*  The  writer  has  known  of  instances,  where  towns  were  deserted  following 
an  epidemic  of  smallpox,  and  the  dead  were  left  unburied  in  the  houses.  Such 
instances  are  unusual  even  for  this  dread  disease,  and  the  funeral  observances 
usually  expose  large  numbers  of  the  people  to  infection. 

5  In  San  Juan  only  thirty  strokes  are  given. 


The  Cycle  of  Life 


287 


present,  excepting  only  those  whose  wives  are  pregnant.  Should  one 
of  the  latter  be  punished,  his  wife  would  suffer  a  miscarriage.  The 
avowed  purpose  of  this  whipping  is  "to  make  all  the  people  feel  as 
sorry  as  the  relatives  of  the  dead  man." 

Burial  in  most  of  the  valley  towns  is  beneath  the  house,  "as  it  is 
much  easier  to  defend  the  body  against  evil  spirits,  and  the  grave 
is  also  protected  against  the  rain."  In  Manabo  and  many  mountain 
villages,  however,  burial  is  in  the  yard.  It  is  customary  to  open  a 
grave  already  occupied  by  several  of  the  relatives  of  the  deceased. 

Toward  noon  of  the  last  day,  some  of  the  men  begin  clearing  away 
the  bamboo,  which  protects  the  old  burial,  and  to  remove  the  dirt. 


I  2  3 

Fig.  3. 
Cross  Sections  Showing  Types  of  Graves. 

The  grave  is  generally  of  one  of  the  forms  indicated  in  Fig.  3,  and 
when  a  depth  of  about  three  feet  has  been  reached,  the  workers  en- 
counter stone  slabs  which  protect  a  lower  chamber.1  When  these  are 
reached,  the  diggers  make  an  opening  and  thrusting  in  burning  pine- 
sticks,  they  call  to  the  dead  within,  "You  must  light  your  pipes  with 
these."  As  soon  as  the  slabs  are  raised,  the  oldest  female  relative  of 
the  deceased  goes  into  the  grave,  gathers  up  the  bones  of  the  last  per- 
son interred,  ties  them  into  a  bundle,  and  reburies  them  in  one  corner. 
There  is  at  present  no  such  type  of  burial  chamber,  as  is  described 
by  La  Gironiere,2  nor  is  there  a  memory  or  tradition  of  such  an 
arrangement.  As  his  visit  took  place  less  than  a  century  ago,  it  is 
unlikely  that  all  trace  of  it  would  have  been  lost.  The  heavy  rainfall 
in  this  district  would  make  the  construction  and  maintenance  of  such 


1  In  Manabo  a  rectangular  hole  is  dug  to  about  five  feet,  then  at  right 
angles  to  this  a  chamber  is  cut  to  receive  the  body.  This  is  cut  off  from  the 
main  grave  by  a  stone.  A  similar  type  of  grave  is  found  in  Sumatra  (Marsden, 
History  of  Sumatra,  3d  ed.,  p.  287,  London,  181 1). 

2  According  to  this  author,  the  Tinguian  put  the  dried  remains  of  their  dead 
in  subterranean  tombs  or  galleries,  six  or  seven  yards  in  depth,  the  entrance 
being  covered  with  a  sort  or  trap  door  (La  Gironiere,  Twenty  Years  in  the 
Philippines,  p.  115,  London,  1853). 


288  The  Tinguian 

a  chamber  almost  impossible,  while  the  dread  of  leaving  the  corpses 
thus  exposed  to  hostile  spirits  and  the  raids  of  enemies  in  search  of 
heads  would  also  argue  against  such  a  practice.  His  description  of 
the  mummifying  or  drying  of  the  corpse  by  means  of  fires  built  around 
it1  is  likewise  denied  by  the  old  men  of  Manabo,  who  insist  that  they 
never  had  such  a  custom.  It  certainly  does  not  exist  to-day.  In  a 
culture,  in  which  the  influence  of  custom  is  as  strong  as  it  is  here, 
it  would  seem  that  the  care  of  the  corpse,  which  is  intimately  related 
to  the  condition  of  the  spirit  in  its  final  abode,  would  be  one  of  the 
last  things  to  change,  while  the  proceedings  following  a  death  are  to- 
day so  uniform  throughout  the  Tinguian  belt,  that  they  argue  for  a 
considerable  antiquity. 

When  the  grave  is  ready,  the  fact  is  announced  in  the  dwelling, 
and  is  the  signal  for  renewed  lamentation.  The  wife  and  near  rel- 
atives throw  themselves  on  the  corpse,  caressing  it  and  crying  wildly. 
Whatever  there  may  have  been  of  duty  or  respect  in  the  wailing  of 
the  first  two  days,  this  parting  burst  of  sorrow  is  genuine.  Tears 
stand  in  the  eyes  of  many,  while  others  cease  their  wailing  and  sob 
convulsively.  After  a  time  an  old  woman  brings  in  some  oldot  seeds, 
each  strung  on  a  thread,  and  fastens  one  on  the  wrist  of  each  per- 
son, as  a  protection  against  the  evil  spirit  Akop,  who,  having  been 
defeated  in  his  designs  against  the  widow,  may  seek  to  vent  his 
anger  on  others. 

When  this  has  been  done,  a  medium  seats  herself  in  front  of  the 
body ;  and,  covering  her  face  with  her  hands,  begins  to  chant  and  wail, 
bidding  the  spirit  to  enter  her  body.  Suddenly  she  falls  back  in  a 
faint,  while  suppressed  excitement  is  manifested  by  all  the  onlookers. 
After  a  moment  or  two,  fire  and  water  are  placed  at  her  head  and 
feet,  "in  order  to  frighten  the  spirit  away,"  and  then  the  medium  gives 
the  last  message  of  the  dead  man  to  his  family.  This  is,  except  for 
very  rare  exceptions,  the  only  time  that  the  spirits  of  the  deceased 
communicate  with  mortals;  and  it  is,  so  far  as  the  writer  has  been 
able  to  learn,  the  only  occasion  when  the  medium  repeats  messages 
given  to  her.  At  other  times  she  is  possessed  by  natural  spirits,2  who 
then  talk  directly  with  mortals. 

As  a  last  preparation  for  the  grave,  a  small  hole  is  burned  in  each 
garment  worn  by  the  dead  person,  for  otherwise  the  spirit  Ibwa  will 
envy  him  his  clothing  and  attempt  to  steal  them.    The  corpse  is  then 

1  Op.  cit.,  p.  121. 

JAs  distinguished  from  those  of  the  dead. 


The  Cycle  of  Life  289 

wrapped  in  a  mat,  and  is  carried  from  the  house.1  The  bearers  go 
directly  to  the  balaua,2  and  rest  the  body  in  it  for  a  moment.  Unless 
this  is  done,  the  spirit  will  be  poor  in  its  future  life  and  unable  to 
build  balaua. 

The  body  is  deposited  full  length  in  the  grave,  the  stone  slabs  are 
relaid,  the  chinks  between  them  filled  in  with  damp  clay,  and  the  grave 
is  refilled.3  As  the  last  earth  is  pushed  in,  a  small  pig  is  killed,  and  its 
blood  is  sprinkled  on  the  loose  soil.  Meanwhile  SElday  is  besought  to 
respect  the  grave  and  leave  it  untouched.  The  animal  is  cut  up,  and  a 
small  piece  is  given  to  each  guest,  who  will  stop  on  the  way  to  his  home, 
and  place  the  meat  on  the  ground  as  an  offering,  meanwhile  repeating  a 
dlam.  Should  he  fail  to  do  this,  sickness  or  death  is  certain  to  visit  his 
home  or  village. 

As  a  further  protection  against  evily  disposed  spirits,  especially 
Ibwa,  an  iron  plough-point  is  placed  over  the  grave,  "for  most  evil 
spirits  fear  iron ;"  and  during  this  night  and  the  nine  succeeding,  a  fire 
is  kept  burning  at  the  grave  and  at  the  foot  of  the  house-ladder.4 

That  night  the  men  spend  about  an  hour  in  the  house  of  mourning, 
singing  sang-sangit,  a  song  in  which  they  praise  the  dead  man,  en- 
courage the  widow,  and  bespeak  the  welfare  of  the  family.  The  wailers 
still  remain  in  the  dwelling  to  protect  the  widow,  and  a  male  relative  is 
detailed  to  see  that  the  fire  at  the  foot  of  the  ladder  is  kept  burning 
brightly. 

Early  the  next  morning,  the  widow,  closely  guarded  by  the  wailers, 
goes  to  the  river,  throws  her  headband  into  the  water,  and  then  goes 
in  herself.  As  she  sinks  in  the  water,  an  old  man  throws  a  bundle  of 
burning  rice-straw  on  her.  "The  water  will  wash  away  some  of  the 
sorrow,  and  the  fire  will  make  her  thoughts  clear."  Upon  her  return 
to  the  village,  the  grave  is  enclosed  with  a  bamboo  fence,  and  above 
it  is  hung  a  shallow  box-like  frame,  known  as  patay,  in  which  are  placed 
the  articles  needed  by  the  spirit.5     Within  the  house  the  mat  and  pillow 


1  Several  times  the  writer  has  seen  friends  place  money  inside  the  mat, 
"so  that  the  spirit  may  have  something  to  spend." 

2  The  large  spirit  house,  built  only  by  well-to-do  families  having  the  heredit- 
ary right. 

8  In  the  folk  tales  a  very  different  method  of  disposing  of  the  dead  is 
indicated  (Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  pp.  23-24,  and  note). 

4  Among  the  Tuaran  Dusun  of  British  North  Borneo,  a  fire  is  built  near 
the  mat  on  which  the  corpse  lies,  to  protect  the  body  from  evil  spirits,  who 
are  feared  as  body  snatchers  (Evans,  Jour.  Ant.  Inst.,  Vol.  XLVII,  1917,  p.  159) . 

*  These  consist  of  dishes,  food,  tobacco,  fire-making  outfit,  weapons,  cloth- 
ing, and  the  like. 


/ 
2go  The  Tinguian 

of  the  dead  are  laid  ready  for  use,  and  at  meal  time  food  is  placed 
beside  it.  The  length  of  time  that  the  mat  is  left  spread  out  differs 
somewhat  between  towns  and  families.  In  some  cases  it  is  taken  up  at 
the  end  of  the  period  of  taboo,  while  in  others  it  is  not  rolled  up ;  nor 
are  the  windows  of  the  house  opened  until  after  the  celebration  of  the 
Layog  ceremony,  a  year  later. 

The  taboo  is  usually  strictly  observed  through  ten  days ;  but  should 
there  be  some  urgent  reason,  such  as  planting  or  reaping,  it  may  be 
raised  somewhat  earlier.  It  is  concluded  by  the  blood  and  oil  ceremony. 
The  lakay,  the  other  old  men  of  the  settlement,  and  all  the  relatives, 
gather  in  the  house  of  mourning,  while  the  mediums  prepare  for  the 
ceremony.  They  kill  a  small  pig  and  collect  its  blood  in  a  dish ;  in  an- 
other receptacle  they  place  oil.  A  brush  has  been  made  out  of  a  variety 
of  leaves,  and  this  the  medium  dips  into  the  blood  and  oil,  then  draws 
it  over  the  wrists  or  ankles  of  each  person  present,  meanwhile  saying, 
"Let  the  lew-lezv  (Fiscus  hauili  Blanco)  leaves  take  the  sickness  and 
death  to  another  town;  let  the  kazvayan  ("bamboo")  make  them  grow 
fast  and  be  strong  as  it  is,  and  have  many  branchesf  let  the  atilwag 
(Breynia  acuminata  Nuell.  Arg.)  turn  the  sickness  to  other  towns." 
A  little  oil  is  rubbed  on  the  head  of  each  person  present;  and  all,  ex- 
cept the  widow,  are  then  freed  from  restrictions.  She  must  still  refrain 
from  wearing  her  beads,  ornaments,  or  good  clothing;  and  she  is 
barred  from  taking  part  in  any  merry-making  until  after  the  Layog 
ceremony.1 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  anointing,  the  old  men  discuss  the  disposal 
of  the  property  and  other  matters  of  importance  in  connection  with 
the  death. 

The  Layog.2 — Several  months  after  the  burial  (generally  after  the 
lapse  of  a  year),  the  friends  and  relatives  are  summoned  in  the  Layog, 
— a  ceremony  held  with  the  avowed  intention  "to  show  respect  for  the 
dead  and  to  cause  the  family  to  forget  their  sorrow."    Friends  come 

1  In  Ilocos  Sur  a  ceremony  which  lifts  the  ban  off  the  relatives  is  held 
about  five  days  after  the  funeral.  Three  months  later,  the  blood  and  oil  are 
applied  to  the  spouse,  who  is  then  released  from  all  restrictions.  In  San  Juan 
and  Lakub,  a  ceremony  known  as  Kilyas  is  held  five  days  after  the  funeral. 
The  anointing  is  done  as  decribed  above,  and  then  the  medium  drops  a  ball  of 
rice  under  the  house,  saying,  "Go  away  sickness  and  death,  do"  not  come  to 
our  relatives."  When  she  has  finished,  drums  are  brought  out,  all  the  relatives 
dance  and  "forget  the  sorrow,"  and  are  then  released  from  all  taboos.  The 
Layog  is  celebrated  as  in  the  valley  towns. 

3  Also  known  as  Waxi  in  San  Juan,  and  Bagoiigon  in  Sallapadin.  In  the 
latter  village,  as  well  as  in  Manabo  and  Ba-ak,  this  ceremony  occurs  a  few 
days  after  the  funeral. 


The  Cycle  of  Life  291 

from  near  and  far;  and  rice,  pigs,  cows  or  carabaos  are  prepared  for 
food,  while  basi  flows  freely.  It  is  said  that  the  liquor  served  at  this 
time  is  "like  tears  for  the  dead."  A  medium  goes  to  the  guardian  stones 
of  the  village,  and  there  offers  rice  mixed  with  blood;  she  oils  the 
stones,  places  new  yellow  headbands  on  each  one,  and  after  dancing 
tadek,  returns  to  the  gathering.  Often  she  is  accompanied  by  a  number 
of  men,  who  shout  on  their  return  trip  "to  frighten  away  evil  spirits." 

Near  the  house  a  chair  is  made  ready  for  the  deceased,  and  in  it  are 
placed  clothing  and  food.  In  the  yard  four  crossed  spears  form  the 
frame-work  on  which  a  shield  rests  (Plate  XVIII)1  and  on  this 
are  beads,  food,  and  garments — offerings  for  the  spirits;  while  near 
the  house  ladder  is  the  spirits'  table  made  of  inverted  rice  mortars. 

The  duration  of  this  ceremony  depends  largely  on  the  wealth  of  the 
family,  for  the  relatives  must  furnish  everything  needed  at  this  time. 
Games  are  played,  and  there  is  much  drinking  and  singing;  but  before 
the  members  of  the  family  may  take  part,  they  are  dressed  in  good 
garments,  and  the  blood  and  oil  ceremony  is  repeated  on  them.  At  the 
conclusion  of  the  dancing,  they  go  into  the  house,  roll  up  the  mat  used 
by  the  dead,  open  the  doors  and  windows,  and  all  are  again  free  to  do 
as  they  wish.  Should  they  fail  to  roll  up  the  mat  at  this  time,  it  must 
remain  until  another  Layog  is  held ;  and  during  the  interval  all  the 
former  restrictions  are  in  force.2 

About  twenty  years  ago,  a  great  number  of  people  in  Patok  died  of 
cholera ;  and  since  then  the  people  of  that  village  have  held  a  Layog  in 
their  honor  each  November,  to  the  expense  of  which  all  contribute.  As 
this  is  just  before  the  rice-harvest,  a  time  when  all  the  people  wear 
their  best  garments,  it  is  customary  for  the  old  men  to  allow  bereaved 
families  to  participate  in  this  ceremony  and  then  release  them  from 
mourning. 

Beliefs  Concerning  the  Spirit  of  the  Dead. — Direct  question- 
ing brings  out  some  differences  of  opinion,  in  the  various  districts, 
concerning  the  spirit  of  the  dead.  In  Manabo,  a  town  influenced  both 
by  the  Igorot  of  the  Upit  River  valley  and  the  Christianized  Ilocano  of 
San  Jose,  the  spirit  is  said  to  go  at  once  to  the  great  spirit  Kadaklan, 

1  This  is  known  as  Apapdyag  or  Inapapayag  (p.  309). 

2  The  foregoing  ceremonies  follow  the  death  of  any  adult,  male  or  female, 
but  not  of  newborn  children.  If  the  first-born  dies  in  infancy,  it  is  buried  in 
the  middle  of  the  night  when  no  one  can  see  the  corpse,  otherwise  other  babies 
will  die.  The  parents  don  old  garments,  and  are  barred  from  leaving  the  town 
or  engaging  in  pastimes,  until  the  ten-day  period  has  passed.  No  fire  is  built 
at  the  grave,  nor  are  offerings  placed  over  it.  When  some  one  else  is  holding 
a  Layog,  the  parents  may  join  them  "to  relieve  their  sorrow  and  show  respect 
for  the  dead." 


292  The  Tinguian 

and  then  to  continue  on  "to  the  town  where  it  lives."  "It  is  like  a 
person,  but  is  so  light  that  it  can  be  carried  along  by  the  wind  when  it 
blows."1  The  people  of  Ba-ay,  a  mountain  village  partially  made  up  of 
immigrants  from  the  eastern  side  of  the  Cordillera  Central,  claim  that 
the  spirits  of  the  dead  go  to  a  mountain  called  Singet,  where  they  have 
a  great  town.  Here,  it  is  also  stated,  the  good  are  rewarded  with  fine 
houses,  while  the  bad  have  to  be  content  with  hovels.  The  general  be- 
lief, however,  is  that  the  spirit  (kalading)  has  a  body  like  that  of  the 
living  person,  but  is  usually  invisible,  although  spirits  have  appeared, 
and  have  even  sought  to  injure  living  beings.  Immediately  following 
death,  the  spirit  stays  near  to  its  old  home,  ready  to  take  vengeance 
on  any  relative,  who  fails  to  show  his  body  proper  respect.  After  the 
blood  and  oil  ceremony,  he  goes  to  his  future  home,  Maglawa,  carrying 
with  him  gifts  for  the  ancestors,  which  the  people  have  placed  about 
his  corpse.  In  Maglawa  he  finds  conditions  much  the  same  as  on  earth ; 
people  are  rich  and  poor ;  they  need  houses ;  they  plant  and  reap ;  and 
they  conduct  ceremonies  for  the  superior  beings,  just  as  they  had  done 
during  their  life  on  earth.  Beyond  this,  the  people  do  not  pretend  to 
be  posted,  "for  Kaboniyan  did  not  tell."  With  the  exception  of  the 
people  of  Ba-ay  and  a  few  individuals  influenced  by  Christianity,  the 
Tinguian  has  no  idea  of  reward  or  punishment  in  the  future  life,  but 
he  does  believe  that  the  position  of  the  spirit  in  its  new  home  can  be 
affected  by  the  acts  of  the  living  (cf.  p.  289).  No  trace  of  a  belief  in 
re-incarnation  was  found  in  any  district  inhabited  by  this  tribe. 

Life  and  Death. — The  foregoing  details  concerning  birth,  child- 
hood, sickness,  and  death,  seem  to  give  us  an  insight  into  the  Tinguian 
conception  of  life  and  death.  For  him  life  and  death  do  not  appear  to 
be  but  incidents  in  an  endless  cycle  of  birth,  death,  and  re-incarnation 
ad  infinitum,  such  as  pictured  by  Levy-Bruhl;2  yet,  in  many  in- 
stances, his  acts  and  beliefs  fit  in  closely  with  the  theory  outlined  by  that 
author.  In  this  society,  there  is  only  a  weak  line  of  demarcation  between 
the  living  and  the  dead,  and  the  dead  for  a  time  at  least  participate  more 
or  less  in  the  life  of  the  living.  This  is  equally  true  of  the  unborn  child, 
whose  future  condition,  physical  and  mental,  may  be  largely  moulded 
by  the  acts  of  others.  According  to  Levy-Bruhl,  this  would  indicate 
that  the  child  at  delivery  is  not  fully  born,  is  not  as  yet  a  member  of  the 


1  A  folk-tale  recorded  in  this  town  gives  quite  a  different  idea  of  the  abode 
of  the  spirits  (Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  I,  p.  185;  also 
p.  28,  note  2). 

2  Fonctions  mentales  dans  les  societes  inferieures    (Paris,  1910). 


The  Cycle  of  Life  293 

group;  and  the  succeeding  ceremonies  are  necessary  to  its  full  par- 
ticipation in  life.  Death  is  likewise  of  long  duration.  Following  the 
last  breath,  the  spirit  remains  near  by  until  the  magic  power  of  the 
funeral  severs,  to  an  extent,  his  participation  with  society.  The  pur- 
pose of  the  final  ceremony  is  to  complete  the  rupture  between  the  living 
and  the  dead. 

To  the  writer,  the  facts  of  Tinguian  life  and  beliefs  suggest  a  some- 
what different  explanation.  We  have  seen  how  strong  individuals  may 
be  affected  by  magical  practices.  The  close  connection  between  an  in- 
dividual, his  garments,  or  even  his  name,  must  be  considered  to  apply 
with  quite  as  much  force  to  the  helpless  infant  and  the  afterbirth. 
So  strong  is  this  bond,  that  even  unintentional  acts  may  injure  the 
babe.  Evil  spirits  are  always  near;  and,  unless  great  precautions  are 
taken,  they  will  injure  adults  if  they  can  get  them  at  a  disadvantage, 
particularly  when  they  are  asleep.  The  child  is  not  able  to  protect 
itself  from  these  beings;  therefore  the  adults  perform  such  acts,  as 
they  think  will  secure  the  good  will  and  help  of  friendly  spirits,  while 
they  bribe  or  buy  up  those  who  might  otherwise  be  hostile ;  and  lastly 
they  make  use  of  such  magical  objects  and  ceremonies,  as  will  compel 
the  evil  spirits  to  leave  the  infant  alone.  As  the  child  grows  in  size  and 
strength,  he  is  less  in  need  of  protection ;  and  at  an  early  age  he  is 
treated  like  the  other  younger  members  of  the  community.  Naming 
follows  almost  immediately  after  birth,  while  puberty  and  initiation 
ceremonies  are  entirely  lacking.  Apparently  then,  a  child  is  considered 
as  being  fully  alive  at  birth,  and  at  no  time  does  he  undergo  any  rites 
or  ceremonies  which  make  him  more  a  part  of  the  community  than  he 
was  on  the  first  day  he  saw  the  light. 

When  death  occurs,  the  spirit  remains  near  to  the  corpse  until  after 
the  funeral,  and  even  then  is  close  by  until  the  ten  days  of  taboo  are 
over.  He  still  finds  need  of  nourishment,  and  hence  food  is  placed 
near  to  his  mat.  As  at  birth,  he  is  not  in  a  position  to  protect  his  body 
from  the  designs  of  evil  spirits,  and  if  his  relatives  fail  to  give  the 
corpse  proper  care,  it  is  certain  to  be  mutilated;  likewise  certain  acts 
of  the  living  towards  the  corpse  can  affect  the  position  of  the  spirit 
in  Maglawa.  Hence  it  is  of  supreme  importance  that  the  former  owner 
guards  against  any  possible  neglect  or  injury  to  the  body,  and  it  seems 
plausible  that  the  presence  of  the  spirit  near  its  old  haunts  may  be  for 
the  purpose  of  seeing  that  its  body  is  carefully  attended  to.  The  folk- 
tales tell  of  several  instances,  in  which  the  spirits  took  vengeance  on 
relatives  who  neglected  their  bodies,  or  violated  the  period  of  taboo.1 


1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  pp.   180-182. 


294  The  Tinguian 

When  the  danger  period  is  past,  the  spirit  at  once  leaves  its  old 
home,  and  returns  again  only  at  the  time  of  the  Layog.  From  that  time 
on,  he  continues  his  existence  in  the  upper  world,  neither  troubling, 
nor  being  troubled  by  mortals  on  earth.1  Ancestor  worship  does  not 
occur  here,  nor  are  offerings  made  to  the  dead,  other  than  those  de- 
scribed above. 

1  For  a  full  discussion  of  this  subject,  see  Cole,  Relations  between  the 
Living  and  the  Dead  (Am.  jour,  of  Sociology,  Vol.  XXI,  No.  5,  1916,  pp.  610, 
et  seq.). 


IV.     RELIGION  AND  MAGIC 

The  Tinguian  has  been  taught  by  his  elders  that  he  is  surrounded 
by  a  great  body  of  spirits,  some  good,  some  malevolent.  The  folk-tales 
handed  down  from  ancient  times  add  their  authority  to  the  teachings 
of  older  generations,  while  the  individual  himself  has  seen  the  bodies 
of  the  mediums  possessed  by  the  superior  beings ;  he  has  communicated 
with  them  direct,  has  seen  them  cure  the  sick  and  predict  coming  events. 
At  many  a  funeral,  he  has  seen  the  medium  squat  before  the  corpse, 
chanting  a  weird  song,  and  then  suddenly  become  possessed  by  the 
spirit  of  the  deceased ;  and,  finally,  he  or  some  of  his  friends  or  towns- 
people are  confident  that  they  have  seen  and  talked  to  ghosts  of  the 
recently  departed.  All  these  beings  are  real  to  him ;  he  is  so  certain  of 
their  existence  that  he  seldom  speculates  about  them  or  their  acts. 

Some  of  these  spirits  are  always  near ;  and  a  part  of  them,  at  least, 
take  more  than  an  ordinary  interest  in  human  affairs.  Thanks  to  the 
teachings  of  the  elders,  the  Tinguian  knows  how  to  propitiate  them ; 
and,  if  necessary,  he  may  even  compel  friendly  action  on  the  part  of 
many.  Toward  the  less  powerful  of  the  evily  disposed  beings,  he  shows 
indifference  or  insolence ;  he  may  make  fun  of,  or  lie  to,  and  cheat  them 
during  the  day,  but  he  is  careful  to  guard  himself  at  night  against  their 
machinations.  To  the  more  powerful  he  shows  the  utmost  respect ;  he 
offers  them  gifts  of  food,  drink,  and  material  objects;  and  conducts 
ceremonies  in  the  manner  demanded  by  them.  Having  done  these 
things,  he  feels  that  he  is  a  party  to  a  bargain;  and  the  spirits  must, 
on  their  part,  repay  by  granting  the  benefits  desired.  Not  entirely  con- 
tent with  these  precautions,  he  performs  certain  magical  acts  which 
prevent  evil  spirits  from  doing  harm  to  an  individual  or  a  community, 
and  by  the  same  means  he  is  able  to  control  storms,  the  rise  of  streams, 
and  the  growth  of  crops.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  Tinguian  has  ever 
speculated  in  regard  to  this  magical  force,  yet  he  clearly  separates 
it  from  the  power  resident  in  the  spirit  world.  It  appears  to  be  a  great 
undifferentiated  force  to  which  spirits,  nature,  and  men  are  subject 
alike. 

If  a  troublesome  question  arises,  or  an  evident  inconsistency  in  his 
beliefs  is  called  to  his  attention,  he  disposes  of  it  by  the  simple  state- 
ment that  it  is  kadauyan  ("custom"),  "was  taught  by  the  ancestors," 
and  hence  is  not  subject  to  question. 

295 


296  The  Tinguian 

His  religion  holds  forth  no  threat  of  punishment  in  a  future  world, 
neither  are  there  rewards  in  that  existence  to  urge  men  to  better  deeds. 
The  chief  teaching  is  that  the  customs  of  ancient  times  must  be  faith- 
fully followed ;  to  change  is  to  show  disrespect  for  the  dead,  for  the 
spirits  who  are  responsible  for  the  customs,  which  are  synonymous 
with  law. 

Custom  and  religion  have  become  so  closely  interwoven  in  this 
society  that  it  is  well-nigh  impossible  to  separate  them.  The  building 
of  a  house,  the  planting,  harvesting  and  care  of  the  rice,  the  procedure 
at  a  birth,  wedding,  or  funeral,  in  short,  all  the  events  of  the  social 
and  economic  life,  are  so  governed  by  custom  and  religious  beliefs,  that 
it  is  safe  to  say  that  nearly  every  act  in  the  life  of  the  Tinguian  is 
directed  or  affected  by  these  forces. 

Two  classes  of  spirits  are  recognized ;  first,  those  who  have  existed 
through  all  time,  whom  we  shall  call  natural  spirits ;  second,  the  spirits 
of  deceased  mortals.  The  latter  reside  forever  in  Maglawa,  a  place 
midway  between  earth  and  sky;  but  a  small  number  of  them  have  joined 
the  company  of  the  natural  spirits.  Except  for  these  few,  they  are  not 
worshiped,  and  no  offerings  are  made  to  them,  after  the  period  of 
mourning  is  past.  The  members  of  the  first  class  cover  a  wide  range, 
from  Kadaklan,  the  great  spirit  who  resides  above,  to  Kabonlyan,  the 
teacher  and  helper,  to  those  resident  in  the  guardian  stones,  to  the  half 
human,  half  bird-like  alan,  to  the  low,  mean  spirits  who  delight  to  an- 
noy mortals.  These  beings  are  usually  invisible,  but  at  times  of  cer- 
emonies they  enter  the  bodies  of  the  mediums,  possess  them,  and  thus 
communicate  with  the  people.  On  rare  occasions  they  are  visible  in 
their  own  forms,  as  when  Kabonlyan  appeared  as  the  antagonist  and 
later  as  the  friend  of  Sayen.1 

These  beings  are  addressed,  first  through  certain  semi-magical 
formulas,  known  as  dlams.  These  are  seldom  prayers  or  supplications, 
but  are  a  part  of  a  definite  ritual,  the  whole  of  which  is  expected  to 
gain  definite  favors. 

At  the  beginning,  and  during  the  course  of  all  ceremonies,  animals 
are  killed.  A  part  of  the  flesh  and  the  blood  is  mixed  with  rice,  and  is 
offered  to  the  spirits ;  but  the  bulk  of  the  offering  is  eaten  by  the  par- 
ticipants. Liquor  is  consumed  in  great  quantities  at  such  a  time,  but  a 
small  amount  is  always  poured  out  for  the  use  of  the  superior  beings. 
Finally,  the  mediums  summon  the  spirits  into  their  bodies ;  and,  when 
possessed,  they  are  no  longer  considered  as  persons,  but  are  the  spirits 

1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  185. 


Religion  and  Magic  297 

themselves.  The  beings  who  appear  in  this  way  talk  directly  with  the 
people;  they  offer  advice,  give  information  concerning  affairs  in  the 
spirit  world,  and  oftentimes  they  mingle  with  the  people  on  equal 
terms,  joining  in  their  dances  and  taking  a  lively  interest  in  their  daily 
affairs. 

The  people  seldom  pray  to  or  supplicate  the  invisible  spirits ;  but 
when  they  are  present  in  the  bodies  of  the  mediums,  they  make  re- 
quests, and  ask  advice,  as  they  would  from  any  friend  or  acquaintance. 
With  many,  the  Tinguian  is  on  amicable  terms,  while  toward  Kaboniyan 
he  exhibits  a  degree  of  respect  and  gratitude  which  is  close  to  affection. 
He  realizes  that  there  are  many  unfriendly  spirits,  but  he  has  means 
of  controlling  or  thwarting  their  evil  designs ;  and  hence  he  does  not 
live  in  that  state  of  perpetual  fear  which  is  so  often  pictured  as  the 
condition  of  the  savage. 

The  Spirits. — A  great  host  of  unnamed  spirits  are  known  \o 
exist;  they  often  attend  the  ceremonies  and  sometimes  enter  the  bodies 
of  the  mediums,  and  in  this  way  new  figures  appear  from  time  to  time. 
In  addition  to  these,  there  are  certain  superior  beings  who  are  well 
known,  and  who,  as  already  indicated,  exercise  a  potent  influence  on 
the  daily  life  of  the  people.  The  following  list  will  serve  to  give  some 
idea  of  these  spirits  and  their  attributes ;  while  the  names  of  the  less 
important  will  be  found  in  connection  with  the  detailed  description  of 
the  ceremonies. 

Kadaklan  ("the  greatest"),  a  powerful  male  spirit,  who  lives  in  the 
sky,  created  the  earth,  sun,  moon,  and  stars.  The  stars  are  only  stones, 
but  the  sun  and  moon  are  lights.  At  times  Kadaklan  enters  the  body  of 
a  favored  medium,  and  talks  directly  with  the  people;  but  more  fre- 
quently he  takes  other  means  of  communication.  Oftentimes  he  sends 
his  dog  Kimat,  the  lightening,  to  bite  a  tree  or  strike  a  field  or  house, 
and  in  this  way  makes  known  his  wish  that  the  owner  celebrate  the 
PcidTam  ceremony  (cf.  p.  401).  All  other  beings  are  in  a  measure  sub- 
servient to  him,  and  his  wishes  are  frequently  made  known  through 
them.  Thunder  is  his  drum  with  which  he  amuses  himself  during 
stormy  weather,  but  sometimes  he  plays  on  it  even  on  clear  days. 

AgEmEm  is  the  wife  of  Kadaklan.  She  lives  in  the  ground.  Little 
is  known  of  her  except  that  she  has  given  birth  to  two  sons,1  whose 
chief  duty  is  to  see  that  the  commands  of  their  father  are  obeyed. 

Adam  and  Baliyen  are  the  sons  of  Kadaklan.    The  name  of  the 


1  In   Manabo  it  is  said  that  there  are  five  sons,   who  reside  in  the  spirit 
houses  known  as  tangpap,  alalot,  and  pangkew. 


298  The  Tinguian 

first  boy  is  suggestive  of  Christian  influence,  but  there  are  no  traditions 
or  further  details  to  link  him  with  the  Biblical  character. 

Kabomyan  is  the  friend  and  helper  of  the  people,  and  by  many  is 
classed  above  or  identified  with  Kadaklan.  At  times  he  lives  in  the 
sky ;  again  in  a  great  cave  near  Patok.1  From  this  cave  came  the  jars 
which  could  talk  and  move,  here  were  found  the  copper  gongs  used 
in  the  dances,  and  here  too  grew  the  wonderful  tree  which  bore  the 
agate  beads  so  prized  by  the  women.  This  spirit  gave  the  Tinguian 
rice  and  sugar-cane,  taught  them  how  to  plant  and  reap,  how  to  foil 
the  designs  of  ill-disposed  spirits,  the  words  of  the  diams  and  the 
details  of  many  ceremonies.  Further  to  bind  himself  to  the  people, 
it  is  said,  he  married  "in  the  first  times"  a  woman  from  Manabo.  He 
is  summoned  in  nearly  every  ceremony,  and  there  are  several  ac- 
counts of  his  having  appeared  in  his  own  form.  According  to  one  of 
these,  he  is  of  immense  proportions ;  his  spear  is  as  large  as  a  tree, 
and  his  head-axe  the  size  of  the  end  of  the  house.2 

Apdel  is  the  spirit  who  resides  in  the  guardian  stones  (pinaing) 
at  the  gate  of  the  town.  During  a  ceremony,  or  when  the  men  are 
away  for  a  fight,  it  becomes  his  special  duty  to  protect  the  village  from 
sickness  and  enemies.  He  has  been  known  to  appear  as  a  red  rooster 
or  as  a  white  dog. 

Idadaya,  who  lives  in  the  east  (daya),  is  a  powerful  spirit  who 
attends  the  Pala-an  ceremony.  He  rides  a  horse,  which  he  ties  to  the 
little  structure  built  during  the  rite.  Ten  grand-children  reside  with 
him,  and  they  all  wear  in  their  hair  the  Igam  (notched  feathers  attached 
to  a  stick).  When  these  feathers  lose  their  lustre,  they  can  only  be 
restored  by  the  celebration  of  Pala-an  (cf.  p.  328).  Hence  the  owners 
cause  some  mortal,  who  has  the  right  to  conduct  the  ceremony,  to 
become  ill,  and  then  inform  him  through  the  mediums  as  to  the  cause 
of  his  affliction.  The  names  of  the  grand-children  are  as  follows : 
Pensipenondosan,  Logosen,  Bakoden,  Bing-gasan,  Bakdafigan,  Giligen, 
Idomalo,  Agkabkabayo,  Ebloyan,  and  Agtabtabokal. 

Kaiba-an  is  the  spirit  who  lives  in  the  little  house  or  saloko  in  the 
rice-fields,  and  who  protects  the  growing  crops.  Offerings  are  made  to 
him,  when  a  new  field  is  constructed,  when  the  rice  is  transplanted, 
and  at  harvest  time.  "The  ground  which  grows"  (that  is  the  nest 
of  the  white  ant)  is  said  to  be  made  by  him. 

1  The  people  of  Manabo  say,  he  resides  in  the  spirit-structures  known  as 
balana,  sogayab,  batog,  and  balag  (cf.  pp.  308,  et  seq.) 

2  Among  the  Ifugao,  Kabunian  is  the  lowest  of  the  three  layers  which  make 
up  the  heavens  (Beyer,  Origin  Myths  among  the  Mountain  Peoples  of  the 
Philippines,  Phil.  Jour,  of  Science,  Vol.  viii,  No.  2,  1913,  p.  99). 


Religion  and  Magic  299 

Makaboteng,  also  called  Sanadan,  is  the  guardian  of  the  deer  and 
wild  hogs.  His  good  will  is  necessary  if  the  dogs  are  to  be  successful 
in  the  chase ;  consequently  he  is  summoned  to  many  ceremonies,  where 
he  receives  the  most  courteous  treatment.  In  one  ceremony  he  de- 
clared, "I  can  become  the  sunset  sky." 

Sabian  or  Isablan  is  the  guardian  of  the  dogs. 

Bisangolan  ("the  place  of  opening  or  tearing")  is  a  gigantic  spirit, 
who  lives  near  the  river,  and  who  in  time  of  floods  uses  his  head-axe 
and  walking-stick  to  keep  the  logs  and  refuse  from  jamming.  "He  is 
very  old,  like  the  world,  and  he  pulls  out  his  beard  with  his  finger 
nails  and  his  knife.  His  seat  is  a  wooden  plate."  He  appears  in  the 
Dazvak,  Tang  pap,  and  Sayang  ceremonies,  holding  a  rooster  and  a 
bundle  of  rice.  In  Ba-ak  he  is  called  Ibalinsogoan,  and  is  the  first 
spirit  summoned  in  Dawak. 

Kakalonan,  also  known  as  Boboyonan,  is  the  one  who  makes 
friends,  and  who  learns  the  source  of  troubles.  When  summoned  at 
the  beginning  of  a  ceremony,  he  tells  what  needs  to  be  done,  in  order 
to  insure  the  results  desired. 

Sasagangen,  sometimes  called  Ingalit,  are  spirits  whose  business 
it  is  to  take  heads  and  put  them  on  the  saga  or  in  the  saloko  (cf. 
p.  310).     Headache  is  caused  by  them. 

Abat  are  numerous  spirits  who  cause  sore  feet  and  headache. 
Salono  and  bazvi  are  built  for  them  (cf.  pp.  309-310).  The  spirits  of 
Ibal,  who  live  in  Daem,  are  responsible  for  most  sickness  among  chil- 
dren, but  they  are  easily  appeased  with  blood  and  rice.  The  Ibal 
ceremony  is  held  for  them. 

Maganawan,  who  lives  in  Nagbotobotan  ("the  place  near  which 
the  rivers  empty  into  the  hole,  where  all  streams  go")  is  one  of  the 
spirits,  called  in  the  Sangdsang  ceremony,  and  for  whom  the  blood  of 
the  rooster  mixed  with  rice  is  put  into  the  saloko,  which  stands  in  the 
yard. 

Inawen  is  a  pregnant  female  spirit,  who  lives  in  the  sea,  and  who 
demands  the  blood  of  a  chicken  mixed  with  rice  to  satisfy  her  capricious 
appetite.   She  also  attends  the  Sangdsang. 

Kideng  is  a  tall,  fat  spirit  with  nine  heads.  He  is  the  servant  of 
Inawen,  and  carries  the  gifts  of  mortals  to  his  mistress. 

Ibwa  is  an  evil  spirit,  who  once  mingled  with  the  people  in  human 
form.  Due  to  the  thoughtless  act  of  a  mourner  at  a  funeral,  he  became 
so  addicted  to  the  taste  of  human  flesh,  that  it  has  since  then  been 
necessary  to  protect  the  corpse  from  him.  He  fears  iron,  and  hence 
a  piece  of  that  metal  is  always  laid  on  the  grave.    Holes  are  burned 


300  The  Tinguian 

in  each  garment  placed  on  the  body  to  keep  him  from  stealing  them. 

Akop  is  likewise  evil.  He  has  a  head,  long  slimy  arms  and  legs, 
but  no  body.  He  always  frequents  the  place  of  death,  and  seeks  to 
embrace  the  spouse  of  the  deceased.  Should  he  succeed,  death  follows 
quickly.  To  defeat  his  plans,  the  widow  is  closely  guarded  by  the  wait- 
ers ;  she  also  sleeps  under  a  fish  net  as  an  additional  protection  against 
his  long  fingers,  and  she  wears  seeds  which  are  disliked  by  this  being. 

Kadongayan  indulges  in  the  malicious  sport  of  slitting  the  mouth 
of  the  corpse  back  to  the  ears.  In  order  to  frighten  him  away,  a  live 
chicken,  with  its  mouth  split  to  its  throat,  is  placed  by  the  door,  during 
the  time  the  body  is  in  the  house.  When  he  sees  the  sufferings  of  the 
bird,  he  fears  to  enter  the  dwelling  lest  the  people  treat  him  in  the 
same  manner. 

SElday  is  an  ill-disposed  being.  He  causes  people  to  have  sore 
feet,  and  only  relieves  them,  when  offerings  are  made  to  him  in  the 
saloko  or  bawi.  He  lives  in  the  wooded  hill,  but  quickly  learns  of  a 
death,  and  appears  at  the  open  grave.  Unless  he  is  bought  off  with  an 
offering,  the  blood  of  a  small  pig,  he  is  almost  certain  to  make  away 
with  the  body,  or  cause  a  great  sickness  to  visit  the  village.  As  the 
mourners  return  home,  after  the  burial,  they  place  bits  of  the  slaugh- 
tered animal  by  the  trail,  so  that  he  will  not  make  them  ill. 

Bayon  is  a  male  spirit,  who  dwells  in  the  sky,  and  who  comes  to 
earth  as  a  fresh  breeze.  He  once  stole  a  girl  from  Layogan,  changed 
her  two  breasts  into  one,  placed  this  in  the  center  of  her  chest,  and 
married  her. 

Lokadaya  is  the  human  wife  of  Bayon.  She  now  appears  to  have 
joined  the  company  of  the  natural  spirits  and  to  be  immortal.  At 
times,  both  she  and  her  husband  enter  the  bodies  of  the  mediums. 

Agonan  is  the  spirit  who  knows  many  dialects.  He  lives  in  Ding- 
olowan. 

Gilen  attends  many  ceremonies,  and  occupies  an  important  place 
in  Tangpap;  yet  little  is  known  of  him. 

Inginlaod  are  spirits  who  live  in  the  west. 
.  Ginobayan   is   a    female   spirit,   always    present   in   the    Tangpap 
ceremony. 

Sangalo  is  a  spirit  who  gives  good  and  bad  signs. 

Dapeg,  Balingen-ngen,  Benisalsal,  and  Kikiba-an,  are  all  disturbers 
and  mischief-makers.  They  cause  illness,  sore  feet,  headache,  and  bad 
dreams.  They  are  important  only  because  of  the  frequency  with  which 
they  appear. 

Al-lot  attends  festivals  and  prevents  quarrels. 


Religion  and  Magic  301 

Liblibayan,  Banbanayo,  and  Banbantay,  are  lesser  spirits,  who 
formerly  aided  "the  people  of  the  first  times." 

The  term  "Alan"  comprises  a  large  body  of  spirits  with  half  human, 
half  bird-like  forms.  They  have  wings  and  can  fly;  their  toes  are  at 
the  back  of  their  feet,  and  their  fingers  attach  to  the  wrists  and  point 
backward.  Often  they  hang  from  the  branches  of  trees,  like  bats,  but 
they  are  also  pictured  as  having  fine  houses  and  great  riches.  They 
are  sometimes  hostile  or  mischievous,  but  more  frequently  are  friendly. 
They  play  a  very  important  part  in  the  mythology,  but  not  in  the  cult.1 

Komau  is  a  giant  spirit,  who,  according  to  tradition,  was  killed  by 
the  hero  Sayen.  Among  the  Ilocano  and  some  of  the  Tinguian,  the 
Komau  is  known  as  a  great  invisible  bird,  which  steals  people  and 
their  possessions.  He  does  not  visit  the  people  through  the  bodies 
of  the  mediums. 

Anito  is  a  general  term  used  to  designate  members  of  the  spirit 
world. 

A  survey  of  the  foregoing  list  brings  out  a  noticeable  lack  of  nature- 
spirits;  of  trees,  rocks,  and  natural  formations  considered  as  animate; 
and  of  guardian  spirits  of  families  and  industries.  There  is  a  strong 
suggestion,  however,  in  the  folk-tales  to  the  effect  that  this  has  not 
always  been  the  case ;  and  even  to-day  there  are  some  conflicts  regard- 
ing the  status  of  certain  spirits.  In  the  village  of  Manabo,  thunder  is 
known  as  Kidol ;  in  Likuan  and  Bakaok,  as  Kido-ol ;  and  in  each 
place  he  is  recognized  as  a  powerful  spirit.  In  Ba-ay,  two  types  of 
lightning  are  known  to  be  spirits.  The  flash  from  the  sky  is  Salit, 
that  "from  the  ground"  is  Kilawit.  Here  thunder  is  Kadaklan,  but 
the  sun  is  the  all  powerful  being.  He  is  male,  and  is  "so  powerful  that 
he  does  not  need  or  desire  ceremonies  or  houses."  The  moon  is  like- 
wise a  powerful  spirit,  but  female. 

In  the  discussion  of  the  tales2  it  was  suggested  that  these  and  other 
ideas,  which  differ  from  those  held  by  the  majority  of  the  tribe,  may 
represent  older  conceptions,  which  have  been  swamped,  or  may  have 
been  introduced  into  Abra  by  emigrants  from  the  north  and  east. 

The  Mediums. — The  superior  beings  talk  with  mortals  through 
the  aid  of  mediums,  known  individually  and  collectively  as  alopogan 
("she  who  covers  her  face").8  These  are  generally  women  past  middle 
life,  though  men   are  not  barred    from   the  profession,   who,   when 

1  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  15. 
'Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume.  No.  1,  p.  32. 
*  The  medium  is  also  sometimes  called  manganito. 


302  The  Tinguian 

chosen,  are  made  aware  of  the  fact  by  having  trembling  fits  when 
they  are  not  cold,  by  warnings  in  dreams,  or  by  being  informed  by 
other  mediums  that  they  are  desired  by  the  spirits.  A  woman  may  live 
the  greater  part  of  her  life  without  any  idea  of  becoming  a  medium, 
and  then  because  of  such  a  notification  will  undertake  to  qualify.  She 
goes  to  one  already  versed,  and  from  her  learns  the  details  of  the 
various  ceremonies,  the  gifts  suitable  for  each  spirit,  and  the  chants  or 
d'mms  which  must  be  used  at  certain  times.  This  is  a  considerable 
task,  for  the  diams  must  be  learned  word  for  word ;  and,  likewise, 
each  ceremony  must  be  conducted,  just  as  it  was  taught  by  the  spirits 
to  the  "people  of  the  first  times."  The  training  occupies  several  months ; 
and  when  all  is  ready,  the  candidate  secures  her  piling.  This  is  a 
collection  of  large  sea-shells  attached  to  cords,  which  is  kept  in  a 
small  basket  together  with  a  Chinese  plate  and  a  hundred  fathoms 
of  thread  (Plate  XIX).  New  shells  may  be  used,  but  it  is  preferable 
to  secure,  if  possible,  the  piling  of  a  dead  medium.  Being  thus  supplied, 
the  novice  seeks  the  approval  of  the  spirits  and  acceptance  as  a  medium. 
The  wishes  of  the  higher  beings  are  learned  by  means  of  a  ceremony, 
in  the  course  of  which  a  pig  is  killed,  and  its  blood  mixed  with  rice  is 
scattered  on  the  ground.  The  liver  of  the  animal  is  eagerly  examined ; 
for,  if  certain  marks  appear  on  it,  the  candidate  is  rejected,  or  must 
continue  her  period  of  probation  for  several  months,  before  another 
trial  can  be  made.  During  this  time  she  may  aid  in  ceremonies,  but 
she  is  not  possessed  by  the  spirits.  When  finally  accepted,  she  may 
begin  to  summon  the  spirits  into  her  body.  She  places  offerings  on 
a  mat,  seats  herself  in  front  of  them,  and  calls  the  attention  of  the 
spirits  by  striking  her  piling,  or  a  bit  of  lead,  against  a  plate;  then 
covering  her  face  with  her  hands,  she  begins  to  chant.  Suddenly  she 
is  possessed ;  and  then,  no  longer  as  a  human,  but  as  the  spirit  itself, 
she  talks  with  the  people,  asking  and  answering  questions,  or  giving 
directions,  as  to  what  shall  be  done  to  avert  sickness  and  trouble,  or  to 
bring  good  fortune. 

Certain  mediums  are  visited  only  by  low,  mean  spirits;  others,  by 
both  good  and  bad ;  while  still  others  may  be  possessed  even  by 
Kadaklan,  the  greatest  of  all.  It  is  customary  for  the  spirit  of  a 
deceased  mortal  to  enter  the  body  of  a  medium,  just  before  the 
corpse  is  to  be  buried,  to  give  messages  to  the  family ;  but  he  seldom 
comes  again  in  this  manner. 

The  pay  of  a  medium  is  small,  usually  a  portion  of  a  sacrificed 
animal,  a  few  bundles  of  rice,  and  some  beads;  but  this  payment  is 
more  than  offset  by  the  restrictions  placed  on  her.    At  no  time  may 


Religion  and  Magic  303 

she  eat  of  carabao,  wild  pig,  wild  chicken,  or  shrimp;  nor  may  she 
touch  peppers — all  prized  articles  of  food. 

The  inducements  for  a  person  to  enter  this  vocation  are  so  few 
that  a  candidate  begins  her  training  with  reluctance ;  but,  once  accepted 
by  the  spirits,  the  medium  yields  herself  fully  and  sincerely  to  their 
wishes.  When  possessed  by  a  spirit,  her  own  personality  is  submerged, 
and  she  does  many  things  of  which  she  is  apparently  ignorant,  when 
she  emerges  from  the  spell.  Oftentimes,  as  she  squats  by  the  mat, 
summoning  the  spirits,  her  eyes  fake  on  a  far-away  stare;  the  veins 
of  her  face  and  neck  stand  out  prominently,  while  the  muscles  of  her 
arms  and  legs  are  tense;  then,  as  she  is  possessed,  she  assumes  the 
character  and  habits  of  the  superior  being.  If  it  is  a  spirit  supposed 
to  dwell  in  Igorot  or  Kalinga  land,  she  speaks  in  a  dialect  unfamiliar 
to  her  hearers,  orders  them  to  dance  in  Igorot  fashion,  and  then  in- 
structs them  in  dances,  which  she  or  her  townspeople  could  never 
have' seen.1  At  times  she  carries  on  sleight-of-hand  tricks,  as  when 
she  places  beads  in  a  dish  of  oil,  and  dances  with  it  high  above  her 
head,  until  the  beads  vanish.  A  day  or  two  later  she  will  recover  them 
from  the  hair  of  some  participant  in  the  ceremony.  Most  of  her  acts 
are  in  accordance  with  a  set  procedure;  yet  at  times  she  goes  further, 
and  does  things  which  seem  quite  inexplainable. 

One  evening,  in  the  village  of  Manabo,  we  were  attending  a  cer- 
emony. Spirit  after  spirit  had  appeared,  and  at  their  order  dances 
and  other  acts  had  taken  place.  About  ten  o'clock  a  brilliant  flash 
of  lightning  occurred,  although  it  was  not  a  stormy  evening.  The 
body  of  the  medium  was  at  that  time  possessed  by  Amangau,  a  head- 
hunting spirit.  He  at  once  stopped  his  dance,  and  announced  that 
he  had  just  taken  the  head  of  a  boy  from  Luluno,  and  that  the 
people  of  his  village  were  even  then  dancing  about  the  skull.  Earlier  in 
the  evening  we  had  noticed  this  lad  (evidently  a  consumptive)  among 
the  spectators.  When  the  spirit  made  this  claim,  we  looked  for  him, 
but  he  had  vanished.  A  little  later  we  learned  that  he  had  died  of  a 
hemorrhage  at  about  the  time  of  the  flash. 


Similar  mediums  and  possession  were  observed  among  the  ancient  Visayans. 
See  Blair  and  Robertson,  The  Philippine  Islands,  Vol.  V,  p.  133 ;  Perez  writing 
concerning  Zambales  says  of  their  mediums,  "He  commences  to  shiver,  his 
whole  body  trembling,  and  making  many  faces  by  means  of  his  eyes ;  he  gen- 
erally talks,  sometimes  between  his  teeth,  without  any  one  understanding  him. 
Sometimes  he  contents  himself  with  wry  faces  which  he  makes  with  his  eyes 
and  the  trembling  of  all  his  body.  After  a  few  moments  he  strikes  himself  on 
the  knee,  and  says  he  is  the  attito  to  whom  the  sacrifice  is  being  made.  See 
Blair  and  Robertson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  XLVII,  p.  301. 


304  The  Tinguian 

Such  occurrences  make  a  deep  impression  on  the  mind  of  the 
people,  and  strengthen  their  belief  in  the  spirit  world ;  but,  so  far  as 
could  be  observed,  the  prestige  of  the  medium  was  in  nowise  enhanced. 

Since  most  of  the  ceremonies  are  held  to  keep  the  family  or  in- 
dividual in  good  health,  the  medium  takes  the  place  of  a  physician. 
She  often  makes  use  of  simple  herbs  and  medicinal  plants,  but  always 
with  the  idea  that  the  treatment  is  distasteful  to  the  being,  who  has 
caused  the  trouble,  and  not  with  any  idea  of  its  curative  properties. 
Since  magic  and  religion  are  practically  the  same  in  this  society,  the 
medium  is  the  one  who  usually  conducts  or  orders  the  magic  rites ; 
and  for  the  same  reason  she,  better  than  all  others,  can  read  the  signs 
and  omens  sent  by  members  of  the  spirit  world. 

Magic  and  Omens. — The  folk-tales  are  filled  with  accounts  of 
magical  acts,  performed  by  "the  people  of  the  first  times."  They  an- 
nihilated time  and  space,  commanded  inanimate  objects  to  do  their 
will,  created  human  beings  from  pieces  of  betel-nut,  and  caused  the 
magical  increase  of  food  and  drink.  Those  days  have  passed,  yet 
magical  acts  still  pervade  all  the  ceremonies;  nature  is  overcome, 
while  the  power  to  work  evil  by  other  than  human  means  is  a  recognized 
fact  of  daily  life.  In  the  detailed  accounts  of  the  ceremonies  will  be 
found  many  examples  of  these  magical  acts,  but  the  few  here  men- 
tioned will  give  a  good  idea  of  all. 

In  one  ceremony,  a  blanket  is  placed  over  the  family,  and  on  their 
heads  a  coconut  is  cut  in  two,  and  the  halves  are  allowed  to  fall ;  for, 
"as  they  drop  to  the  ground,  so  does  sickness  and  evil  fall  away 
from  the  people."  A  bound  pig  is  placed  in  the  center  of  the  floor, 
and  water  is  poured  into  its  ear  that,  "as  it  shakes  out  the  water, 
so  may  evil  spirits  and  sickness  be  thrown  out  of  the  place."  At  one 
point  in  the  Tangpap  ceremony,  a  boy  takes  the  sacrificial  blood  and 
rice  from  a  large  dish,  and  puts  it  in  a  number  of  smaller  ones,  then 
returns  it  again  to  the  first;  for,  "when  the  spirits  make  a  man  sick, 
they  take  a  part  of  his  life.  When  they  make  him  well,  they  put  it 
back,  just  as  the  boy  takes  away  a  part  of  the  food,  gives  it  to  the 
spirits,  and  then  replaces  it."  The  same  idea  appears  in  the  dance 
which  follows.  The  boy  and  the  medium  take  hold  of  a  winnower, 
raise  it  in  the  air,  and  dance  half  way  around  a  rice-mortar;  then 
return,  as  they  came,  and  replace  it,  "just  as  the  spirits  took  away  a 
part  of  the  patient's  life,  but  now  will  put  it  back." 

The  whole  life  of  a  child  can  be  determined,  or  at  least  largely 
influenced,  by  the  treatment  given  the  afterbirth,  while  the  use  of 


Religion  and  Magic  305 

bamboo  and  other  prolific  plants,  at  this  time  and  at  a  wedding,  pro- 
mote growth  and  fertility. 

A  piece  of  charcoal  attached  to  a  certain  type  of  notched  stick  is 
placed  in  the  rice-seed  beds,  and  thus  the  new  leaves  are  compelled 
to  turn  the  dark  green  color  of  sturdy  plants. 

If  a  river  is  overflowing  its  banks,  it  can  be  controlled  by  cutting 
off  a  pig's  head  and  throwing  it  into  the  waters.  An  even  more  certain 
method  is  to  have  a  woman,  who  was  born  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  take  her  weaving  baton  and  plant  it  on  the  bank.  The  water 
will  not  rise  past  this  barrier. 

Blackening  of  the  teeth  is  a  semi-magical  procedure.  A  mixture 
of  tan-bark  and  iron  salts  is  twice  applied  to  the  teeth,  and  is  allowed 
to  remain  several  hours ;  but,  in  order  to  obtain  the  desired  result,  it 
is  necessary  to  use  the  mixture  after  nightfall  and  to  remove  it,  be- 
fore the  cocks  begin  to  crow,  in  the  morning.  If  the  fowls  are  heard, 
while  the  teeth  are  being  treated,  they  will  remain  white;  likewise 
they  will  refuse  to  take  the  color,  should  their  owner  approach  a  corpse 
or  grave. 

On  well-travelled  trails  one  often  sees,  at  the  tops  of  high  hills, 
piles  of  stones,  which  have  been  built  up  during  many  years.  As  he 
ascends  a  steep  slope,  each  traveller  picks  up  a  small  stone,  and  car- 
ries it  to  the  top,  where  he  places  it  on  the  pile.  As  he  does  so,  he 
leaves  his  weariness  behind  him,  and  continues  his  journey  fresh  and 
strong. 

The  use  of  love-charms  is  widespread :  certain  roots  and  leaves, 
when  oiled  or  dampened  with  saliva,  give  forth  a  pleasant  odor,  which 
compels  the  affection  of  a  woman,  even  in  spite  of  her  wishes.1 

Evil  magic,  known  as  garnot  ("poison")  is  also  extensively  used. 
A  little  dust  taken  from  the  footprint  of  a  foe,  a  bit  of  clothing,  or  an 
article  recently  handled  by  him,  is  placed  in  a  dish  of  water,  and  is 
stirred  violently.  Soon  the  victim  begins  to  feel  the  effect  of  this  treat- 
ment, and  within  a  few  hours  becomes  insane.  To  make  him  lame,  it 
is  only  necessary  to  place  poison  on  articles  recently  touched  by  his 
feet.    Death  or  impotency  can  be  produced  by  placing  poison  on  his 

1  Among  the  ancient  Tagalog,  charms  made  of  herbs,  stones,  and  wood, 
were  used  to  infuse  the  heart  with  love  (Blair  and  Robertson,  The  Philippine 
Islands,  Vol  VII,  p.  194).  Similar  practices  are  found  in  India,  among  the 
Selangor  of  the  Malay  Peninsula,  among  the  Bagobo  of  Mindanao  and  in 
Japan:  see  Roy,  Jour.  Royal  Anth.  Inst.,  Vol.  XLIV,  1014,  p.  337;  Skeat  and" 
Blagden,  Pagan  Races  of  the  Malay  Peninsula,  p.  312;  Benedict,  Bagobo 
Ceremonial,  Magic  and  Myth,  p.  220  (Annals  N.  Y.  Acodamy  of  Sciences, 
Vol.  XXV,  1916)  ;  Hildburgh,  Man,  Nov.  1915,  pp.  168,  et  seq.;  Trans.  Japan 
Soc,  Vol.  VIII,  pp.  132,  et  seq. 


306  The  Tinguian 

garments.  A  fly  is  named  after  a  person,  and  is  placed  in  a  bamboo 
tube.  This  is  set  near  the  fire,  and  in  a  short  time  the  victim  of  the 
plot  is  seized  with  fever.  Likewise  magical  chants  and  dances,  car- 
ried on  beneath  a  house,  may  bring  death  to  all  the  people  of  the 
dwelling. 

A  combination  of  true  poisoning  and  magical  practice  is  also 
found.  To  cause  consumption  or  some  wasting  disease,  a  snake  is 
killed,  and  its, head  cut  off;  then  the  body  is  hung  up,  and  the  liquor 
coming  from  the  decomposing  flesh  is  caught  in  a  shell  cup.  This 
fluid  is  introduced  into  the  victim's-  food,  or  some  of  his  belongings 
are  treated  with  it.  If  the  subject  dies,  his  relatives  may  get  revenge 
on  the  poisoner.  This  is  accomplished  by  taking  out  the  heart  of  a 
pig  and  inserting  it  in  the  mouth  or  stomach  of  the  victim.  This  must 
be  done  under  the  cover  of  darkness,  and  the  corpse  be  buried  at  once. 
A  high  bamboo  fence  is  then  built  around  the  grave,  so  that  no  one 
can  reach  it.  The  person  responsible  for  the  death  will  fall  ill  at  once, 
and  will  die  unless  he  is  able  to  secure  one  of  the  victim's  garments 
or  dirt  from  the  grave. 

The  actual  introduction  of  poison  in  food  and  drink  is  thought 
to  be  very  common.  The  writer  attended  one  ceremony  following 
which  a  large  number  of  the  guests  fell  sick.  The  illness  was  ascribed 
to  magic  poisoning,  yet  it  was  evident  that  the  cause  was  over-in- 
dulgence in  fresh  pork  by  people,  who  for  months  had  eaten  little 
if  any  meat. 

Omens. — The  ability  to  foretell  future  events  by  the  flight  or 
calls  of  birds,  actions  of  animals,  by  the  condition  of  the  liver  and 
gall  of  sacrificed  pigs,  or  by  the  movements  of  certain  articles  under 
the  questioning  of  a  medium,  is  an  undoubted  fact  in  this  society. 

A  small  bird  known  as  labEg,  is  the  messenger  of  the  spirits,  who 
control  the  Bakid  and  Sangdsang  ceremonies.  When  this  bird  enters 
the  house,  it  is  caught  at  once,  its  feathers  are  oiled ;  beads  are  at- 
tached to  its  feet,  and  it  is  released  with  the  promise  that  the  cer- 
emony will  be  celebrated  at  once.  This  bird  accompanies  the  war- 
riors, and  warns  or  encourages  them  with  its  calls.  If  it  flies  across 
their  path  from  right  to  left,  all  is  well;  but  if  it  comes  from  the  left, 
they  must  return  home,  or  trouble  will  befall  the  party. 

The  spirits  of  Sangdsang  make  use  of  other  birds  and  animals  to 
warn  the  builders  of  a  house,  if  the  location  selected  does  not  please 
them.  All  the  Tinguian  know  that  the  arrival  of  snakes,  big  lizards, 
deer,  or  wild  hogs  at  the  site  of  a  new  house  is  a  bad  sign. 

If  a  party  or  an  individual  is  starting  on  a  journey,  and  the  king- 


Religion  and  Magic  307 

fisher  (salaksak)  flies  from  in  front  toward  the  place  just  left,  it  is*  a 
command  to  return  at  once ;  else  illness  in  the  village  or  family  will  com- 
pel a  later  return.1  Should  the  koling  cry  awit,  awlt  ("to  carry,  to 
carry"),  an  immediate  return  is  necessary,  or  a  member  of  the  party 
will  die,  and  will  be  carried  home.  When  a  snake  crawls  across  the 
trail,  and  goes  into  a  hole,  it  is  a  certain  warning  that,  unless  the  trip 
is  given  up,  some  of  the  party  will  die,  and  be  buried  in  the  ground. 

The  falling  of  a  tree  across  the  trail,  when  the  groom  is  on  his 
way  to  the  home  of  his  bride,  threatens  death  for  the  couple,  while 
the  breaking  or  falling  of  an  object  during  the  marriage  ceremony 
presages  misfortune. 

Not  all  the  signs  are  evil ;  for,  if  a  man  is  starting  to  hunt,  or  trade, 
and  he  sees  a  hawk  fly  in  front  of  him  and  catch  a  bird  or  chicken, 
he  may  on  that  day  secure  all  the  game  he  can  carry,  or  can  trade 
on  his  own  terms. 

All  the  foregoing  are  important,  but  the  most  constantly  employed 
method  of  foretelling  the  future  is  to  examine  the  gall  and  liver  of 
slain  pigs.  Thes-e  animals  are  killed  in  all  great  ceremonies,  at  the 
conclusion  of  a  medium's  probation  period,  at  birth,  death,  and  funeral 
observances,  and  for  other  important  events.  If  a  head-hunt  is  to  be 
attempted,  the  gall  sack  is  removed,  and  is  carefully  examined,  for 
if  it  is  large  and  full,  and  the  liquor  in  it  is  bitter,  the  enemy  will  be 
powerless;  but  if  the  sack  is  small,  and  only  partially  filled  with  a 
weak  liquor,  it  will  fare  ill  with  the  warriors  who  go  into  battle.  For 
all  other  events,  the  liver  itself  gives  the  signs.  When  it  is  full  and 
smooth,  the  omens  are  favorable;  but  if  it  is  pitted,  has  black  specks 
on  it,  is  wrinkled,  or  has  cross  lines  on  it,  the  spirits  are  ill-disposed, 
and  the  project  should  be  delayed.  If,  however,  the  matter  is  very 
urgent,  another  pig  or  a  fowl  may  be  offered  in  the  hope  that  the  at- 
titude of  the  spirits  may  be  changed.  If  the  liver  of  the  new  sacrifice 
is  good,  the  ceremony  or  raid  may  continue.  The  blood  of  these  animals 
is  always  mixed  with  rice,  and  is  scattered  about  for  the  superior 
beings,  but  the  flesh  is  cooked,  and  is  consumed  by  the  mortals*.2 

'The  salaksak  was  also  the  omen  bird  of  the  Zambales  (Blair  and  Robert- 
son, Philippine  Islands,  Vol.  XLVII,  p.  307). 

1  Predicting  of  the  future  through  the  flight  of  birds,  or  by  means  of  the 
entrails  of  slain  animals,  is  widespread,  not  only  in  the  Philippines  and  Malaysia 
generally,  but  was  equally  important  in  ancient  Babylonia  and  Rome.  The 
resemblances  are  so  many  that  certain  writers,  namely,  Hose  and  McDougall, 
Kroeber,  and  Laufer  are  inclined  to  credit  them  to  common  historical  influences. 
See  Hose  and  McDougall,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  p.  255  (London, 
1912)  ;  Kroeber,  Peoples  of  the  Philippines  (American  Museum  of  Natural 
History,  Handbook  Series,  No.  8,  p.  192,  New  York,  1919)  ;  Laufer,  Toung 
Pao,  1914,  pp.  1 -5 1. 


308  The  Tinguian 

To  recover  stolen  and  misplaced  articles  or  animals,  one  of  three 
methods  is  employed.  The  first  is  to  attach  a  cord  to  a  jar-cover  or 
the  shells  used  by  a  medium.  This  is  suspended  so  that  it  hangs  freely, 
and  questions  are  put  to  it.  If  the  answer  is  "yes,"  it  will  swing  to 
and  fro.  The  second  method  is  to  place  a  bamboo  stick  horizontally 
on  the  ground  and  then  to  stand  an  egg  on  it.  As  the  question  is  asked, 
the  egg  is  released.  If  it  falls,  the  answer  is  in  the  negative;  if  it 
stands,  it  replies  "yes."  The  third  and  more  common  way  is  to  place 
a  head-axe  on  the  ground,  then  to  blow  on  the  end  of  a  spear  and  put 
it  point  down  on  the  blade  of  the  axe.  If  it  balances,  the  answer  is 
"yes." 

Ceremonial  Structures  and  Paraphernalia. — As  has  been  in- 
dicated, the  Tinguian  holds  many  ceremonies  in  honor  of  the  superior 
beings  ;  and,  in  connection  with  these,  builds  numerous  small  structures, 
and  employs  various  paraphernalia,  most  of  which  bear  definite 
names,  and  have  well  established  uses.  Since  a  knowledge  of  these 
structures  and  devices  is  necessary  to  a  full  understanding  of  the 
ceremonies,  an  alphabetical  list  is  here  furnished,  before  proceeding 
to  the  detailed  discussion  of  the  rites. 

Alalot:  Two  arches  of  bamboo,  which  support  a  grass  roof.  A 
small  jar  of  basi  stands  in  this  structure  for  the  use  of  visiting  spirits. 
Is  generally  constructed  during  the  Sayang  ceremony,  but  in  Bakaok 
it  is  built  alone  to  cure  sickness  or  to  change  a  bad  disposition 
(Plate  XX,  No.  4). 

Aligang:  A  four-pronged  fork  of  a  branch  in  which  a  jar  of 
basi  and  other  offerings  are  placed  for  the  Igorot  spirits  of  Talegteg 
(Salegseg).    It  is  placed  at  the  corner  of  the  house  during  Sayang. 

Ansisilit:  The  framework  placed  beside  the  guardian  stones  on 
the  sixteenth  morning  of  Sayang.    It  closely  resembles  the  Inapapdyag. 

Balabago  (known  in  Manabo  as  Talagan)  :  A  long  bamboo  bench 
with  a  roofing  of  betel  leaves.  It  is  intended  as  a  seat  for  guests, 
both  spirit  and  human,  during  important  ceremonies. 

Balag  :  A  seat  of  wood  or  bamboo,  placed  close  to  the  house- 
ladder  during  the  Sayang  ceremony.  Above  and  beside  it  are  alangtin 
leaves,  branches  of  the  lanoti  tree,  sugar-cane,  and  a  leafy  branch  of 
bamboo.  Here  also  are  found  a  net  equipped  with  lead  sinkers,  a  top- 
shaped  device,  and  short  sections  of  bamboo  filled  with  liquor.  In 
some  towns  this  is  the  seat  of  the  honored  guest,  who  dips  basi  for  the 
dancers.    In  San  Juan  this  seat  is  called  Patogau. 

Balaua  :  This,  the  largest  and  most  important  of  the  spirit  struc- 


Religion  and  Magic  309 

tures,  is  built  during  the  Sayang  ceremony.  The  roofing  is  of  plaited 
bamboo,  covered  with  cogon  grass.  This  is  supported  by  eight  up- 
rights, which  likewise  furnish  attachment  for  the  bamboo  flooring. 
There  are  no  sides  to  the  building,  but  it  is  so  sturdily  constructed 
that  it  lasts  through  several  seasons.  Except  for  the  times  of  ceremony, 
it  is  used  as  a  lounging  place  for  the  men,  or  as  a  loom-room  by  the 
women.  Quite  commonly  poles  are  run  lengthwise  of  the  structure, 
at  the  lower  level  of  the  roof ;  and  this  "attic,"  as  well  as  the  space 
beneath  the  floor*  is  used  for  the  storage  of  farming  implements, 
bundles  of  rattan  and  thatching  (Plate  XXI). 

Balitang  :  A  large  seat  like  the  Balabago,  but  with  a  grass  roofing. 
It  is  used  as  a  seat  for  visitors  during  great  ceremonies  and  festivals. 
This  name  is  applied,  in  Manabo,  to  a  little  house,  built  among  the 
bananas  for  the  spirit  Imalbi. 

BanI-it  or  Bunot:  Consists  of  a  coconut  husk  suspended  from  a 
pole.  The  feathers  of  a  rooster  are  stuck  into  the  sides.  It  is  made 
as  a  cure  for  sick-headache,  also  for  lameness. 

Bangbangsal:  Four  long  bamboo  poles  are  set  in  the  ground, 
and  are  roofed  over  to  make  a  shelter  for  the  spirits  of  Sayaw,  who 
come  in  the  Tangpap  ceremony. 

Batog:  An  unhusked  coconut,  resting  on  three  bamboo  sticks, 
goes  by  this  name.  It  always  appears  in  the  Sayang  ceremony,  close 
to  the  Balag,  but  its  use  and  meaning  are  not  clear. 

Bawi,  also  called  Babawi,  Ababong,  and  Sinaba-an  :  A  name 
applied  to  any  one  of  the  small  houses,  built  in  the  fields  or  gardens 
as  a  home  for  the  spirits  Kaiba-an,  Abat,  SElday,  and  some  others  of 
lesser  importance  (Plate  XXII). 

Idasan  :  A  seat  or  bench  which  stands  near  the  house-ladder  dur- 
ing the  Sayang.  A  roof  of  cogon  grass  protects  ten  bundles  of  un- 
threshed  rice,  which  lie  on  it.  This  rice  is  later  used  as  seed.  In 
the  San  Juan  district,  the  place  of  the  Idasan  seems  to  be  taken  by 
three  bamboo  poles,  placed  in  tripod  fashion,  so  as  to  support  a  basket 
of  rice.   This  is  known  as  Pinalasang. 

Inapapayag:  Two-forked  saplings  or  four  reeds  are  arranged  so 
as  to  support  a  shield  or  a  cloth  "roof"  (Plate  XVIII).  During  Sayang 
and  some  other  ceremonies,  it  stands  in  the  yard,  or  near  to  the  town 
gate ;  and  on  it  food  and  drink  are  placed  for  visiting  spirits.  During 
the  celebration  of  Layog  (cf.  p.  290),  it  is  built  near  to  the  dancing 
space,  and  contains  offerings  for  the  spirit  of  the  dead.  A  spear  with 
a  colored  clout  is  stuck  into  the  ground  close  by;  and  usually  an  in- 


310  The  Tinguian 

verted  rice  mortar  also  stands  here,  and  supports  a  dish  of  basi.  In 
the  mountain  village  of  Likuan  it  is  built  alone  as  a  cure  for  sickness. 
A  pig  is  killed  and  the  mediums  summon  the  spirits  as  in  Dawak 
(cf.  p.  316). 

Kalang:  A  wooden  box,  the  sides  of  which  are  cut  to  resemble 
the  head  and  horns  of  a  carabao.  The  spirits  are  not  thought  to  reside 
here,  but  do  come  to  partake  of  the  food  and  drink  placed  in  it.  It 
is  attached  to  the  roof  of  the  dwelling  or  in  the  balana  or  kalangan. 
New  offerings  are  placed  in  the  kalang,  before  the  men  go  to  fight, 
or  when  the  Sayang  ceremony  is  held.  It  also  holds  the  head-bands 
worn  by  the  mediums,  when  making  Dawak  (Fig.  4,  No.  2). 

Kalangan  :  the  place  of  the  kalang.  This  is  similar  to  the  balaua, 
but  is  smaller  and,  as  a  rule,  has  only  four  supporting  timbers 
(Plate  XXIII). 

Pala-an  :  Four  long  poles,  usually  three  of  bamboo,  and  one  of  a 
resinous  tree  known  as  anteng  {Canarium  villosum  Bl.)  are  set  in  a 
square  and  support,  near  the  top,  a  platform  of  bamboo  (Plate  XXIV). 
Offerings  are  made  both  on  and  below  the  Pala-an  during  the  ceremony 
of  that  name,  and  in  the  more  important  rites. 

Pangkew:  Three  bamboo  poles  are  planted  in  the  ground  in  a 
triangle,  but  they  lean  away  from  each  other  at  such  an  angle,  as  to 
admit  of  a  small  platform  midway  of  their  length.  A  roofing  of  cogon 
grass  completes  the  structure.  It  is  built  during  Sayang,  and  contains 
a  small  jar  of  basi.  The  roof  is  always  adorned  with  coconut  blossoms 
(Plate  XX). 

Sagang:  Sharpened  bamboo  poles  about  eight  feet  in  length  on 
which  the  skulls  of  enemies  were  formerly  exhibited.  The  pointed 
end  was  pushed  through  the  foramen  magnum,  and  the  pole  was  then 
planted  near  the  gate  of  the  town. 

Saloko,  also  called  Salokang  and  Sabut  :  This  is  a  bamboo  pole 
about  ten  feet  long,  one  end  of  which  is  split  into  several  strips ;  these 
are  forced  apart,  and  are  interwoven  with  other  strips,  thus  forming 
a  sort  of  basket.  When  such  a  pole  is  erected  near  to  a  house,  or  at 
the  gate  of  the  town,  it  is  generally  in  connection  with  a  ceremony 
made  to  cure  headache.  It  is  also  used  in  the  fields  as  a  dwelling  place 
for  the  spirit  Kaiba-an  (Plate  XXV). 

The  Saloko  ceremony  and  the  dlarn,  which  accompanies  it,  seem  to 
indicate  that  this  pole  originated  in  connection  with  head-hunting; 
and  its  presence  in  the  fields  gives  a  hint  that  in  former  times  a 
head-hunt  may  have  been  a  necessary  preliminary  to  the  rice-planting. 


Religion  and  Magic  311 

Sogayob:  A  covered  porch,  which  is  built  along  one  side  of  the 
house  during  the  Sayang  ceremony.  In  it  hang  the  vines  and  other 
articles,  used  by  the  female  dancers  in  one  part  of  the  rite.  A  portion 
of  one  of  the  slaughtered  pigs  is  placed  here  for  the  spirits  of  Bangued. 
In  Lumaba  the  Sogayob  is  built  alone  as  a  part  of  a  one-day  ceremony ; 
while  in  Sallapadan  it  follows  Kalangan  after  an  interval  of  about 
three  months. 

Taltalabong:  Following  many  ceremonies*  a  small  bamboo  raft 
with  arched  covering  is  constructed.  In  it  offerings  are  placed  for 
spirits,  who  have  been  unable  to  attend  the  rite.  In  Manabo  it  is  said 
that  the  raft  is  intended  particularly  for  the  sons  of  Kadaklan 
(Plate  XXVI). 

Tangpap  :  Two  types  of  structure  appear  under  this  name.  When 
it  is  built  as  a  part  of  the  Tangpap  ceremony,  it  is  a  small  house  with 
a  slanting  roof  resting  on  four  poles.  About  three  feet  above  the  ground, 
an  interwoven  bamboo  floor  is  lashed  to  the  uprights  (Plate  XXVII). 
In  the  Sayang  ceremony,  there  are  two  structures  which  go  by  this 
name  (Plate  XX,  Nos.  2  and  3).  The  larger  has  two  floors,  the  smaller 
only  one.   On  each  floor  is  a  small  pot  of  basi,  daubed  with  white. 

Taboo  Gateway:  At  the  gate  of  a  town,  one  sometimes  finds  a 
defensive  wall  of  bamboo,  between  the  uprights  of  which  are  thrust 
bamboo  spears  in  order  to  catch  evil  spirits,  while  on  the  gate  proper 
are  vines  and  leaves  pleasing  to  the  good  spirits.  Likewise  in  the  saloko, 
which  stands  close  by,  are  food  and  drink  or  betel-nut.  All  this  gener- 
ally appears  when  an  epidemic  is  in  a  nearby  village,  in  order  to 
frighten  the  bearers  of  the  sickness  away,  and  at  the  same  time  gain 
the  aid  of  well-disposed  spirits.  At  such  a  time  many  of  the  people 
wear  wristlets  and  anklets  of  bamboo,  interwoven  with  roots  and  vines 
which  are  displeasing  to  the  evil  beings  (Plate  XXVIII). 

Ceremonial  Paraphernalia. — Akosan  (Fig.  4,  No.  4) :  A  prized 
shell,  with  top  and  bottom  cut  off,  is  slipped  over  a  belt-like  cloth. 
Above  it  are  a  series  of  wooden  rings  and  a  wooden  imitation  of  the 
shell.  This,  when  hung  beside  the  dead,  is  both  pleasing  to  the  spirit 
of  the  deceased,  and  a  protection  to  the  corpse  against  evil  beings. 

Aneb  (Fig.  4,  No.  1):  The  name  usually  given  to  a  protective 
necklace  placed  about  the  neck  of  a  young  child  to  keep  evil  spirits 
at  a  distance.  The  same  name  is  also  given  to  a  miniature  shield, 
bow  and  arrow,  which  hang  above  the  infant. 

Dakidak  (Fig.  4,  Nos.  3 — 3a)  :  Long  poles,  one  a  reed,  the  other 
bamboo,  split  at  one  end  so  they  will  rattle.  The  medium  strikes  them 


312 


The  Tinguian 


s 
Fig.  4. 
Ceremonial  Paraphernalia. 


Religion  and  Magic  313 

on  the  ground  to  attract  the  spirits  to  the  food  served  on  the  talafntap. 

Igam  :  Notched  feathers,  often  with  colored  yarn  at  the  ends,  at- 
tached to  sticks.  These  are  worn  in  the  hair  during  the  Pala-an  and 
Sayang  ceremonies,  to  please  the  spirits  of  the  east,  called  ldadaya. 

In  also n  :  A  sacred  blanket  made  of  white  cotton.  A  blue  or  blue 
and  red  design  is  formed,  where  the  breadths  join,  and  also  along  the 
borders.  It  is  worn  over  the  shoulders  of  the  medium  during  the 
Glpas  ceremony  (cf.  p.  263). 

Lab-labon  :  Also  called  Adug.  In  Buneg  and  nearby  towns,  whose 
inhabitants  are  of  mixed  Tinguian  and  Kalinga  blood,  small  incised 
pottery  houses  are  found  among  the  rice  jars,  and  are  said  to  be  (he 
residences  of  the  spirits,  who  multiply  the  rice.  They  are  sometimes 
replaced  with  incised  jars  decorated  with  vines.  The  idea  seems  to 
be  an  intrusion  into  the  Tinguian  belt.  The  name  is  probably  derived 
from  labon,  "plenty"  0r  "abundance"  (Plate  XXIX). 

Piling  (Plate  XIX)  :  A  collection  of  large  sea-shells  attached 
to  cords.  They  are  kept  in  a  small  basket  together  with  one  hundred 
fathoms  of  thread  and  a  Chinese  plate,  usually  of  ancient  make.  The 
whole  makes  up  the  medium's  outfit,  used  when  she  is  summoning  the 
spirits. 

PInapa:  A  large  silk  blanket  with  yellow  strips  running  lengthwise. 
Such  blankets  are  worn  by  certain  women  when  dancing  da-cng,  and 
they  are  also  placed  over  the  feet  of  a  corpse. 

Sado  (Fig.  4,  No.  3)  :  The  shallow  clay  dishes  in  which  the  spirits 
are  fed  on  the  talapltap. 

Salogeygey  :  The  outside  bark  of  a  reed  is  cut  at  two  points,  from 
opposite  directions,  so  that  a  double  fringe  of  narrow  strips  stands  out. 
One  end  is  split,  saklag  leaves  are  inserted,  and  the  whole  is  dipped 
or  sprinkled  in  sacrificial  blood,  and  placed  in  each  house  during  the 
Sagobay  ceremony.  The  same  name  is  applied  to  the  magical  sticks, 
which  are  placed  in  the  rice  seed-beds  to  insure  lusty  plants  (cf.  p.  399). 

Sangadel:  The  bamboo  frame  on  which  a  corpse  is  placed  during 
the  funeral. 

Tabing:  A  large  white  blanket  with  which  one  corner  of  the  room 
is  screened  off  during  the  Sayang  and  other  ceremonies.  In  this  "room" 
food  and  other  offerings  are  made  for  the  black,  deformed,  and  timid 
spirits  who  wish  to  attend  the  ceremony  unobserved. 

Takal:  Armlets  made  of  boar's  tusks,  which  are  worn  during 
certain  dances  in  Sayang. 


314  The  Tinguian 

TalapItap  (Fig.  4,  No.  3)  :  A  roughly  plaited  bamboo  frame  on 
which  the  spirits  are  fed  during  the  more  important  rites.  Used  in 
connection  with  the  dakidak  and  clay  dishes  (sado). 

Tongatong  (Fig.  4,  No.  5)  :  The  musical  instrument,  which  ap- 
pears in  many  ceremonials.  It  consists  of  six  or  more  bamboo  tubes 
of  various  lengths.  The  players  hold  a  tube  in  each  hand,  and  strike 
their  ends  on  a  stone,  which  lies  between  them,  the  varying  lengths  of 
the  cylinders  giving  out  different  notes. 


V.     THE  CEREMONIES 

A  visitor,  who  enters  the  Tinguian  territory  in  the  period  following 
the  rice-harvest,  quickly  gains  the  impression  that  the  ceremonial  life 
of  this  people  is  dominant.  In  nearly  every  village,  he  finds  one  or 
more  ceremonies  in  progress,  while  work  is  almost  forgotten.  This 
condition  exists  until  the  coming  of  the  rains  in  May,  when  all  is 
changed.  Men  and  women  go  to  the  fields  before  daybreak,  and  return 
only  when  darkness  forces  them  to  cease  their  toil.  During  the  period 
when  the  fields  are  in  preparation,  or  the  rice  is  growing,  few  cere- 
monials are  held,  except  those  intended  to  promote  the  growth  of 
the  crops,  to  cure  sickness,  or  to  ward  off  impending  misfortune. 

Aside  from  the  rites,  which  attend  birth,  marriage,  and  similar 
events,  the  ceremonies  may  be  placed  in  two  divisions :  first,  those 
which  may  be  celebrated  by  all  people;  second,  those  restricted  to 
certain  families.  The  first  class  we  shall  designate  as  the  minor  cere- 
monies. 

i.    The  Minor  Ceremonies 

Dawak  (also  called  BonI  and  Alopag). — The  name  Dawak  is  ap- 
plied to  that  part  of  important  ceremonies  in  which  the  spirits  enter 
the  bodies  of  the  mediums.  It  is  also  given  as  a  separate  ceremony, 
usually  to  cure  sickness,  but  in  some  settlements  it  follows  a  birth. 

According  to  tradition,  it  was  taught,  together  with  the  Sayang 
ceremony,  by  the  spirit  Kabonlyan  to  a  woman  Dayapan ;  and  she,  in 
turn,  taught  it  to  others,  who  were  then  able  to  cure  sickness. 

It  is  probable  that  the  name  comes  from  ddwat  (a  "request"  or 
"petition")  ;  yet  there  is  little  in  it  which  corresponds  to  prayer  or 
entreaty. 

As  there  was  considerable  variation  in  each  Dawak  witnessed  by 
the  writer,  the  complete  ceremony  is  given  for  the  village  of  Ba-ak, 
together  with  striking  variations  from  other  towns. 

In  this  instance,  the  rite  was  held  to  effect  the  cure  of  a  sick  woman 
and  to  learn  the  desires  of  the  spirits.  Two  mediums,  assisted  by  several 
men  and  women,  spent  the  first  afternoon  preparing  the  things  to  be 
used.  First,  a  short  cane  was  fashioned  out  of  black  wood,  rattan  rings 
were  slipped  over  this,  and  all  were  placed  inside  a  Chinese  jar.  A 
dish  of  cooked  rice  was  put  over  the  top,  as  a  cover,  and  a  blanket 
spread  over  the  whole.    This  was  brought  close  to  the  patient,  the 

315 


316  The  Tinguian 

medium  recited  a  dlam  over  it,1  and  then  ordered  that  it  remain  there 
throughout  the  ceremony.  On  a  large  mat  in  the  center  of  the  room 
were  placed  betel-nuts,  coconuts,  and  leaves,  two  jars — one  empty, 
the  other  filled  with  basi — ,  a  large  and  small  head-axe,  two  spears, 
and  some  shells.  An  empty  jar  had  a  string  of  beads  tied  around  its 
neck,  and  inside  it  was  placed  a  switch,  care  being  taken  that  a  portion 
of  it  hung  outside.  Beside  the  jar  was  a  basket  containing  five  bundles 
of  unthreshed  rice,  on  which  was  a  skein  of  thread  supporting  a  new 
jar.  All  this  was  covered  with  a  woman's  skirt.  Finally  a  bound  pig 
was  laid  just  inside  the  door. 

When  all  was  complete,  three  men  played  on  the  tongdtong  (cf. 
p.  314),  until  one  of  the  mediums  took  her  place  beside  the  mat.  Raising 
a  plate  above  her  head,  she  struck  it  repeatedly  with  a  small  head-axe, 
to  call  attention  of  the  spirits.2  Then  she  began  to  chant  and  wail 
calling  the  spirits  to  enter  her  body.  After  two  or  three  moments  of 
song,  she  was  possessed  by  a  spirit,  who  announced  that  his  name  was 
Ibalinsogwan.  He  placed  a  rooster  at  one  end  of  a  spear,  and  a  bundle 
of  rice  at  the  other,  did  a  short  dance,  and  departed.  The  mediums 
then  seated  themselves  on  opposite  sides  of  the  jar  of  basi;  each  drank 
of  the  liquor,  and  the  chant  began  again.  Spirit  after  spirit  took  pos- 
session of  one  of  the  mediums,  who  then  conversed  with  the  other, 
asked  questions  concerning  the  patient,  or  other  matters,  and  occasion- 
ally offered  advice.  Before  his  departure,  each  spirit  would  drink  of 
the  basi. 

The  members  of  the  family  were  present  during  most  of  the  day; 
friends  came,  and  went  as  they  pleased,  stopped  to  listen  to  or  talk 
with  the  spirits,  drank  basi,  and  then  went  about  their  work. 

Early  the  second  morning,  the  mediums  went  to  a  bound  pig  in 
the  house,  and  after  placing  betel-nut  on  its  back,  they  poured  water 
into  its  ear.  This  caused  the  animal  to  shake  its  head ;  and,  as  the 
water  was  thrown  out,  one  of  the  mediums  caught  it  in  her  hand,  and 
applied  it  to  the  sick  woman,  at  the  same  time  chanting,  "Go  away 
sickness,  be  thrown  out  like  this  water;  let  this  person  be  well,  for 
she  is  now  following  the  custom."  As  soon  as  she  had  finished,  two 
men  carried  the  animal  to  the  river  bank,  where  they  killed  and  singed 
it.  Upon  their  return  to  the  house,  they  removed  and  carefully  ex- 
amined its  liver;  for,  by  the  markings  on  it,  the  people  were  assured 

*For  the  dlam  recited  at  this  time,  see  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this 
volume,  No.  1,  p.  171. 

2  More  frequently  the  medium  uses  a  piece  of  lead  or  one  of  the  shells 
of  her  piling  for  this  purpose.  In  many  villages  the  medium,  while  calling 
the  spirits,  wears  one  head-band  for  each  time  the  family  has  made  this 
ceremony. 


The  Ceremonies  317 

that  the  spirits  were  pleased  with  the  manner  in  which  the  ceremony 
was  being  conducted,  and  hence  the  prospects  for  the  patient's  recovery 
were  very  bright.  Glpas,  the  dividing,  followed.  An  old  man  divided 
the  pig  with  the  medium,  but  by  sly  manipulation  managed  to  get  a 
little  more  than  she  did.  A  betel-nut,  beeswax,  and  a  lead  net-sinker 
were  tied  together  with  a  string,  and  were  divided,  but  again  the  old 
man  received  a  little  more  than  his  share.  Betel-nut  was  offered  to 
the  pair.  Apparently  each  piece  was  the  same,  but  only  one  was  sup- 
plied with  lime,  and  the  mortal  secured  that.  He  then  challenged  the 
medium  to  see  whose  spittle  was  the  reddest.  Both  expectorated  on 
the  head-axe,  but  since  the  spittle  of  the  medium  was  not  mixed  with 
lime,  it  was  uncolored.  In  all  instances  the  human  being  came  out 
victor  over  the  spirit,  who  sought  to  take  the  woman's  life.  Hence 
her  recovery  was  assured. 

A  new  spirit  possessed  the  medium,  and  under  her  directions  the 
family  was  placed  beneath  a  blanket,  and  a  coconut  was  cut  in  two 
over  their  heads.  In  addition  to  the  fluid  of  the  nut,  water  was  emptied 
over  them,  "so  that  the  sickness  would  be  washed  away."  As  soon  as 
the  family  emerged  from  the  blanket,  they  went  to  their  balaua,1  and 
offered  food,  after  which  the  medium  again  summoned  several  spirits. 
From  this  time  until  well  into  the  evening,  the  guests  danced  tadek, 
stopping  only  to  be  served  with  food  and  drink. 

The  morning  of  the  third  and  last  day  was  spent  in  preparing  food 
and  other  offerings,  which  were  placed  on  a  mat  and  left,  for  a  time, 
to  be  used  by  the  immortals.  Later  the  offerings  were  consumed  by  the 
guests,  and  the  medium  summoned  the  spirit  Agkabkabayo.  This  be- 
ing directed  four  men  to  carry  the  blanket  on  which  the  medium  was 
seated  to  the  balaua,  when  they  were  met  by  another  medium,  possessed 
by  the  spirit  Balien.  For  a  time  they  busied  themselves  making  repairs 
to  the  spirit  structure,  then  decorated  it  by  tying  strips  of  shredded 
coconut  leaves  to  the  slats  of  the  floor.  They  also  attached  leaves  to 
the  kalang  (cf.  p.  310),  and  inserted  betel-nut  and  leaf.  The  final  act 
of  the  ceremony  was  to  prepare  four  soloko  (cf.  p.  310).  In  the  first 
was  placed  a  half  coconut ;  in  the  second  was  rice  mixed  with  blood ; 
in  the  third  cooked  flesh  of  a  fowl ;  and  in  the  last  were  four  stalks  of 
rice,  and  some  pine-sticks.  One  was  placed  at  each  gate  of  the  town 
as  an  offering,  and  the  people  returned  to  their  homes. 

As  payment  for  their  services,  the  mediums  received  a  small  portion 
of  the  pig,  some  rice,  beads,  a  little  money,  and  cloth. 

1  Had  they  not  possessed  a  balaua,  they  would  have  made  this  offering 
in  the  dwelling. 


318  The  Tinguian 

The  acts  and  conversation  of  the  spirits  when  summoned  in  Dawak 
are  well  illustrated  by  the  following. 

A  woman  of  Lagangilang  was  ill  with  dysentery ;  and  a  medium,  in 
this  instance,  a  man,  was  instructed  to  make  Dawak.  He  began  sum- 
moning the  spirits  by  striking  a  dish  with  his  head-axe.  Soon  he  cov- 
ered his  face  with  his  hands,  began  to  sway  to  and  fro,  and  to  chant 
unintelligible  words.  Suddenly  he  stopped  and  announced  that  he  was 
the  spirit  Labotan,  and  that  it  was  his  wish  that  blood  and  rice  be  placed 
on  a  head-axe,  and  be  laid  on  the  woman's  abdomen.  Next  he  ordered 
that  they  should  feed  some  rice  to  the  small  pig  which  lay  bound  on 
the  floor.  "If  he  eats,  this  is  the  right  ceremony,  and  you  will  get  well," 
he  said.  The  pig  refused  the  food,  and,  after  expressing  regret  that  he 
was  unable  to  help,  the  spirit  departed,  to  be  succeeded  by  Binongon. 
He  at  once  directed  that  the  pig  be  killed,  and  the  palpitating  heart  be 
put  on  the  woman's  stomach,  and  then  be  pressed  against  each  person 
in  the  room,  as  a  protection  against  illness.  At  first  he  refused  to  drink 
the  liquor  which  was  offered  to  him,  for  it  was  new  and  raw ;  but  when 
he  learned  that  no  other  could  be  obtained,  he  drank,  and  then  ad- 
dressed the  patient.  "You  ate  something  forbidden.  It  is  easy  to  cure 
you  if  the  spirits  have  made  you  ill ;  but  if  some  one  is  practising  magic, 
perhaps  you  will  die."  With  this  cheering  message  the  spirit  departed, 
and  Ayaonwan  appeared.  He  directed  an  old  woman  to  feed  rice  and 
water  to  the  patient,  and  then,  without  further  advice,  he  said,  "The 
other  spirits  do  not  like  me  very  well,  so  I  cannot  go  to  their  places. 
I  went  to  their  places,  but  they  said  many  bad  words  to  me.  I  offered 
them  basi,  but  they  did  not  wish  to  take ;  so  I  asked  the  way,  and  they 
showed  me  to  the  other  spirits'  place.  I  was  poor,  and  had  nothing 
to  eat  for  noon  or  night.  When  I  was  in  the  road,  I  met  many  long 
snakes,  and  I  had  to  push  them  apart  so  I  could  walk.  And  I  met 
many  eels,  and  asked  of  them  the  road;  but  the  eels  bit  me,  and  took 
me  into  their  stomachs,  and  carried  me  to  Luluaganan  to  the  well 
there;  then  I  died.  The  people,  who  go  to  the  well,  say,  "Why  is 
Ayaonwan  dead  ?  We  have  a  bad  odor  now ;"  and  the  eels  say,  "Whose 
son  is  this?"  and  they  rubbed  my  dead  spirit,  and  I  received  life  again. 
Then  I  took  blood  and  rice  with  me  to  the  sky  to  the  other  eels  to 
make  Sayang.  The  eels  gave  me  gold  for  my  wrists ;  the  monkeys 
gave  me  gold  for  my  teeth  and  hair;  the  wild  pig  gave  me  bracelets. 
There  is  much  more  I  can  tell  you,  but  now  I  must  go."  The  spirit  de- 
parted, and  a  new  one  was  summoned.  This  spirit  took  the  spear  in 
his  hand,  and  after  chanting  about  the  illness  of  the  woman,  he  drank 
basi  out  of  a  dish,  sitting  on  the  head-axe.     Then  singing  again  he 


The  Ceremonies  319 

dipped  the  spear  in  the  oil,  and  allowed  it  to  fall  drop  by  drop  on  the 
stomach  of  the  sick  woman ;  later  he  touched  the  heads  of  all  present 
with  the  spear,  saying,  "You  will  not  be  sick  any  more,"  and  departed. 

PInaing  or  Pinading  (Plate  XXX). — At  the  gate  or  entrance 
of  nearly  every  village  will  be  found  a  number  of  peculiarly  shaped, 
water-worn  stones,  either  beneath  a  small  shelter,  or  nestling  among 
the  roots  of  some  great  tree.  These  are  the  "guardian  stones,"  and 
in  them  lives  Apdel  ("the  spirit  who  guards  the  town").  Many  stories 
cluster  about  these  plnding,1  but  all  agree  that,  if  proper  offerings 
are  made  to  them  at  the  beginning  of  a  great  ceremony ;  when  the  men 
are  about  to  undertake  a  raid ;  or,  when  sickness  is  in  a  nearby  village, 
the  resident  spirit  will  protect  the  people  under  his  care.  Thus  it  hap- 
pens that  several  times  each  year  a  group  of  people  may  be  seen  early 
in  the  morning,  gathered  at  the  stones.  They  anoint  the  head  of  each 
one  with  oil,  put  new  bark  bands  on  their  "necks,"  after  which  they 
kill  a  small  pig.  The  medium  mixes  the  blood  of  the  slain  animal  with 
rice,  and  scatters  it  on  the  ground  while  she  recites  the  story  of  their 
origin.  Then  she  bids  the  spirits  from  near  and  far  to  come  and  eat, 
and  to  be  kindly  disposed. 

In  Bakaok  and  some  other  villages  it  is  customary  for  the  medium 
to  summon  several  spirits  at  this  time,  and  this  is  followed  by  the 
dancing  of  tadek.  The  people  of  Luluno  always  hold  a  ceremony  at  the 
plnaing  before  the  planting  of  the  rice  and  after  the  harvest. 

Following  this  ceremony  in  the  village  of  San  Juan,  a  miniature 
raft  (taltalabong)  was  loaded  with  food  and  other  presents,  and  was 
set  afloat,  to  carry  provisions  to  any  spirit,  who  might  have  been  pre- 
vented from  enjoying  the  feast. 

These  stones  are  of  particular  interest,  in  that  they  present  one  of 
the  few  instances  in  which  the  Tinguian  associates  supernatural  beings 
with  natural  objects. 

Saloko  (Plate  XXV). — Besides  the  houses,  in  the  fields,  and  at 
the  gate  of  many  villages,  one  often  sees  long  bamboo  poles  with  one 
end  converted  into  a  basket-like  receptacle.  Offerings  of  food  and 
betel-nut  are  now  found  in  them;  but,  according  to  some  of  the  older 
men,  these  were,  until  recently,  used  to  hold  the  heads  of  slain  enemies, 
as  is  still  the  case  among  the  neighboring  Apayao. 

The  ritual  of  the  Saloko  ceremony  seems,  in  part,  to  bear  out  this 
claim;  yet  the  folk-tales  and  equally  good  informants  assure  us  that 
the  heads   were  placed  on   sharpened   bamboo  poles,   which   passed 

1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  pp.  178-179. 


320  The  Tinguian 

through  the  foramen  magnum.    It  is  probable  that  both  methods  of 

exhibiting  skulls  were  employed  in  the  Tinguian  belt. 

Nowadays  the  saloko  found  near  to  the  villages  are  usually  erected, 

during  a  short  ceremony  of  the  same  name,  as  a  cure  for  headache.  A 

medium  is  summoned;  and,  after  securing  a  chicken,  she  strokes  it, 

as  she  chants : 

"You  spirits  of  the  sagang,1  who  live  above. 

"You  spirits  of  the  sagang,  who  live  on  the  level  ground. 

"You  spirits  of  the  sagang,  who  live  in  the  east. 

"You  spirits  of  the  sagang,  who  live  in  the  west. 

"You  Lalaman2  above. 

"You  Lalaman  on  the  wooded  hill. 

"You  Lalaman  in  the  west. 

"If  you  took  the  head  of  the  sick  man, 

"You  must  now  grant  him  health,  as  you  please." 

The  fowl  is  killed ;  and  its  blood,  together  with  rice  and  some  other 
gift,  is  placed  in  the  saloko,  and  is  planted  near  the  house  or  gate. 
Oftentimes  a  string  of  feathers  runs  from  the  pole  to  the  dwelling, 
or  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  gate.  The  family  cooks  and  eats  the 
chicken,  and  the  affected  member  is  expected  to  recover  at  once.  Should 
the  trouble  persist,  a  more  elaborate  ceremony,  probably  Dawak,  will 
follow. 

In  some  instances  betel-nut  prepared  for  chewing  takes  the  place 
of  the  fowl ;  rice-stalks  hang  from  the  sides  of  the  basket,  and  bits  of 
pine  are  added  "to  make  bright  and  clear."  All  of  this  is  rubbed  on 
the  patient's  head,  while  the  medium  recites  the  diam. 

BawI,  also  called  Sinaba-an  and  Ababong. — This  name  is  often 
applied  to  the  small  houses  built  in  the  rice-fields  for  the  spirit  Kaiba- 
an,  but  more  commonly  it  refers  to  the  little  structures  of  bamboo 
and  grass,  which  nestle  among  the  banana  plantings  near  the  village 
(Plate  XXII).  When  such  a  structure  is  built  or  repaired,  it  is  ac- 
companied by  a  ceremony  of  the  same  name.  The  usual  purpose  of 
this  event  is  to  cure  sore  feet,  but  in  Patok  and  other  valley  towns  it 
is  celebrated  before  the  rice  harvest  and  the  pressing  of  the  sugar-cane, 
so  that  the  spirits  will  keep  the  workers  in  good  health,  and  save  them 
from  injury. 

One  of  the  most  common  ailments  is  sore  or  cracked  feet  caused, 
no  doubt,  by  standing  for  long  periods  in  the  mud  and  water  of  the 
rice-fields,  and  then  tramping  over  the  rough,  hot  trails  to  the  village. 
The  Tinguian,  however,  know  that  the  spirits,  called  Abat  and  SElday 

1  The  sagang  is  the  sharpened  pole,  which  was  passed  through  the  foramen 
magnum  of  a  captured  skull. 

2  Female  spirits,  who  always  stay  in  one  place. 


The  Ceremonies  321 

bring  about  this  affliction,  unless  they  are  kept  in  good  humor,  and 
have  something  to  occupy  their  time  other  than  disturbing  human 
beings;  hence  these  houses  are  built  for  them,  suitable  offerings  are 
placed  inside,  and  finally  a  few  banana  suckers  are  planted  close  by,  so 
that  the  spirits  will  be  kept  busy  caring  for  them. 

The  origin  of  the  ceremony  is  ascribed  to  a  woman  of  ancient  times, 
named  Bagutayka,  who,  lacking  certain  organs,  appears  as  an  outcast. 
She  at  first  caused  passers-by  to  have  trouble  with  their  feet  and  limbs, 
but  later  taught  them  how  to  effect  a  cure  by  building  the  bazvl  and 
performing  the  ceremony.1 

To-day,  when  a  person  is  afflicted,  he  summons  a  medium,  the 
spirit-house  is  built,  and  then  the  following  diam  is  recited  over  a 
rooster : 

"You  abat  above, 

"You  abat  in  the  ground, 

"You  abat  in  the  corner  of  the  house, 

"You  abat  in  the  center  pole,  . 

"You  abat  below  the  stair, 

"You  abat  in  the  door, 

"You  SElday  in  the  wooded  hill, 

"You  SElday  above, 

"Make    the    sick    person    well,    if    you    please!'" 

When  the  recital  is  finished,  the  fowl  is  killed,  and  its  blood  mixed 
with  rice  is  placed  in  nine  dishes  and  one  polished  coconut  shell.  From 
these  it  is  transferred  to  nine  other  dishes  and  one  bamboo  basket. 
These  are  placed  in  a  row,  and  nine  dishes  and  one  unpolished  shell 
are  filled  with  water,  and  placed  opposite.  In  the  center  of  this  double 
line  is  a  dish,  containing  the  cooked  flesh  of  the  rooster,  also  some  rice, 
and  one  hundred  fathoms  of  thread,  while  between  the  dishes  are  laid 
ten  half  betel-nuts,  prepared  for  chewing.  Later,  all  these  things  are 
returned  to  a  single  receptacle,  except  those  in  the  shell  cups  and 
basket,  which  are  placed  in  the  spirit-house.  The  underlying  idea 
in  this  procedure  seems  to  be  that  frequently  found  in  other  ceremonies, 
namely,  that  food  and  water  symbolizes  the  life  of  the  patient,  which  is 
partially  taken  away  by  the  spirits;  but  when  they  are  returned  to 
one  place,  the  life  must  be  replaced  in  a  like  manner. 

In  Manabo  a  piece  of  banana  bark  is  taken  from  one  of  the  plant- 
ings beside  a  bawl;  and,  after  being  washed  in  the  water,  is  applied 
to  the  affected  limb. 

The  final  act  is  to  take  a  coconut  husk,  stick  feathers  in  its  sides, 
and  hang  it  beside  the  bazul  as  a  sign  to  all  that  the  ceremony  has 
been  held. 

'See  Tradition  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  178. 
'This  diam  is  sometimes  repeated  for  the  saloko  (see  p.  319). 


322  The  Tinguian 

No  spirits  are  summoned  at  this  time,  neither  is  there  singing  or 
dancing. 

Bakid.1 — This  ceremony  is  held  to  celebrate  the  completion  of  a 
new  dwelling,  or  to  remove  any  bad  sign,  which  may  have  been  re- 
ceived during  the  building  operations. 

The  medium  and  her  assistants  fasten  a  bamboo  pole  or  rattan  cord 
across  one  portion  of  the  room,  and  on  it  place  numerous  pieces  of 
cloth-skirts,  blankets,  belts,  a  fish-net,  and  a  quantity  of  false  hair. 
This  serves  first  as  an  offering  to  the  spirits,  but  it  is  also  explained 
that,  if  the  immortals  are  unable  to  count  all  the  gifts,  they  will  be 
powerless  to  injure  the  occupants  of  the  dwelling.  Should  an  evilly 
disposed  being  desire  to  make  trouble  for  the  owner,  he  must  count 
every  hair  in  the  switches,  as  well  as  every  hole  in  the  fish-net.  Fail- 
ing in  this,  he  will  be  compelled  by  the  other  spirits  to  celebrate  the 
Bakid  ceremony  five  times  at  his  own  expense. 

Beneath  the  line  of  offerings,  a  bound  pig  is  laid;  and,  as  she 
strokes  the  side  of  the  animal,  with  oiled  fingers,  the  medium  repeats  a 
dlam2  in  which  she  tells  of  misfortunes  of  a  family,  which  failed  to 
observe  the  signs  sent  by  Kaboniyan,  and  of  his  instructions  as  to  how 
best  to  overcome  their  troubles.  The  family  listens  respectfully  until 
the  story  is  finished,  then  they  lift  a  door  from  its  socket,  place  it  in 
the  middle  of  the  floor,  and  proceed  to  sacrifice  the  pig  upon  it.  Some 
of  the  blood  is  immediately  sprinkled  on  the  house  timbers,  particularly 
those  which  may  have  given  the  builders  trouble,  either  in  transporta- 
tion, or  during  the  erection  of  the  structure.  The  greater  part  of  the 
blood  is  mixed  with  rice,  and  is  dropped  through  the  slits  in  the  floor, 
or  scattered  about  for  the  spirits ;  while  for  an  hour  or  more  a  portion 
of  the  meat,  the  heart,  and  the  head,  are  placed  below  the  offerings 
on  the  cord  or  on  the  house-beams.  Later,  these  portions  will  be 
cooked  and  served  to  the  guests.  Immediately  after  the  killing,  the 
liver  is  removed,  and  is  examined  for  a  sign.  Should  the  omens  be 
unfavorable,  another  animal  will  be  killed,  or  the  family  will  celebrate 
Sangasang  within  a  few  days.  If  the  signs  are  satisfactory,  the  host 
begins  to  distribute  basi,  and  soon  good  fellowship  reigns.  One  after 
another  of  the  guests  sings  the  daleng,  in  which  they  bespeak  for  the 
owner  a  long  and  prosperous  life  in  his  new  home.  The  Bakid  always 
ends  with  a  feast,  in  which  the  flesh  of  slaughtered  animals  plays  the 
important  part.  Upon  its  completion,  the  medium  is  given  a  portion  of 

1  Known  as  Palasod  in  Bakaok. 

2  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  I,  p.  175. 


The  Ceremonies  323 

the  meat,  some  unthreshed  rice,  and  other  small  gifts,  as  payment 
for  her  services.  The  guests  return  to  their  homes,  and  for  two  or 
three  days  following  are  barred  from  entering  the  new  dwelling.  Dur- 
ing this  period  the  family  must  remain  indoors. 

Sangasang. — Sangasang  is  often  so  similar  to  the  Bakid,  that  one 
description  might  cover  both.  This  is  particularly  true,  if  it  is  held  to 
remove  a  bad  sign.  Should  a  large  lizard  or  a  bird  enter  a  new  build- 
ing, it  is  considered  as  a  messenger  of  Kaboniyan;  and  the  foregoing 
ceremony  is  carried  out,  the  only  variation  being  that  the  bird  or 
lizard  is  caught,  if  possible,  is  anointed  with  oil,  a  bead  is  attached  to 
a  leg,  and  it  is  then  released  to  go  back  to  its  master. 

Continued  misfortunes  ta  the  members  of  a  household  would  also 
be  an  excuse  for  the  ceremony.  In  this  instance,  the  only  variation 
from  the  procedure  just  given  would  be  in  the  diams.  The  first  to  be 
recited  tells  how  the  spirit  Maganawan  sent  many  snakes  and  birds  to 
the  gate  of  a  town  to  demand  the  blood  of  a  rooster  mixed  with  rice. 
The  people  celebrated  Sangasang,  and  sent  blood  and  rice  to  Mag- 
anawan, who,  in  turn,  spat  it  out  on  the  ground.  As  he  did  so,  the 
sickness  and  misfortunes  of  the  mortals  vanished.  The  second  dlam1 
relates  a  quarrel  between  the  various  parts  of  the  house,  each  insisting 
on  its  own  importance.  At  last  they  recognize  their  mutual  dependence, 
and  the  people  of  the  dwelling  are  again  in  good  health.2 

In  Lumaba  and  nearby  villages,  unpleasant  dreams,  or  a  bad  dis- 
position are  overcome  by  a  ceremony  called  Sangasang;  but,  as  this 
varies  somewhat  from  the  others,  it  is  given  in  detail. 

The  medium,  who  is  summoned  for  this  event,  calls  for  oil  and  a 
rooster  with  long  spurs.  When  these  are  brought,  she  strokes  the  fowl 
with  the  oil,  and  chants  the  following  dlam.  "There  is  a  very  old  woman 
in  the  sea,  and  she  says  to  her  spirits,  who  are  Dapeg  (a  spirit  which 
kills  people),  Balingenngen  (a  spirit  which  causes  bad  dreams),  and 
Benisalsal  (a  spirit  which  throws  things  and  is  unpleasant),  'Go  be- 
yond the  sea  and  spread  your  sickness.'  The  spirits  are  going.  They 
arrive  and  begin  their  work,  and  if  the  people  do  not  make  Sangasang, 
many  will  die.  Now  it  is  morning,  and  the  spirits  are  going  to  the 
river  to  see  what  the  people  have  offered  to  the  old  woman,  who  is 
Inawen.  If  they  do  not  find  anything,  they  will  say,  'All  the  people  in 
this  town  shall  die,'  and  then  they  will  go  on  to  another  place." 

"Inawen,  who  is  waiting,  sends  Kideng  (a  servant)  to  search  for 

1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  174. 

2  Op.  cit.,  p.  175. 


324  The  Tinguian 

the  spirits,  who  are  killing  people,  to  tell  them  to  return.  Dapeg  leaves 
the  first  town.  He  goes  to  another,  and  the  dogs  bark  so  that  the 
people  cannot  sleep.  A  man  opens  the  door,  to  learn  the  cause  of 
the  barking,  and  he  sees  a  man,  fat  and  tall,  with  nine  heads,  and 
he  carries  many  kinds  of  cakes.  The  man  says,  'Now  take  these  cakes, 
and  if  you  do  not  make  Sangdsang  for  my  mistress,  at  the  river,  you 
shall  die.  You  must  find  a  rooster  with  long  tail  and  spurs ;  you  must 
mix  its  blood  with  rice,  and  put  it  in  the  river  at  dawn  when  no  one 
can  see  you.'  The  man  makes  Sangdsang  the  next  night,  and  puts  the 
blood,  mixed  with  rice,  in  a  well  dug  by  the  river,  so  that  the  spirits 
may  take  it  to  their  mistress.  Kideng  also  arrives  and  says,  'you  must 
come  with  me  now,  for  she  awaits  you  who  are  bearing  this  offering.' 
They  go  and  arrive.  Their  mistress  eats  and  says,  'I  did  not  think  that 
the  blood  of  people  tasted  so  badly,  now  I  shall  not  send  you  again,  for 
you  have  already  killed  many  people.'  " 

When  this  chant  is  completed,  the  chicken  is  killed,  as  directed  in 
the  song ;  and  at  night  the  blood  and  rice  are  offered  beside  the  stream.1 
The  chicken  is  eaten  by  the  family,  and  its  feathers  are  tied  to  a  string, 
stretched  across  the  room.  Leaves  are  attached  to  the  house-ladder 
as  a  warning  that  all  visitors  are  barred,  and  for  three  days  the  family 
remains  quietly  indoors. 

Sagobay.2 — This  is  one  of  the  most  widespread  of  the  ceremonies, 
for  it  not  only  covers  the  entire  Tinguian  belt,  but  extends  into  the 
Igorot  villages  of  the  Upit  river  region  and  Ilocos  Sur,  as  well  as  into 
the  Kalinga  villages  of  the  Malokbot  valley. 

Its  occurrence  in  connection  with  the  rice-culture  is  fully  described 
elsewhere  (cf.  p.  400),  so  that  at  this  place  only  its  second  function, 
that  of  keeping  illness  from  the  town,  is  described. 

When  an  epidemic  appears  in  a  nearby  settlement,  the  lakay  sum- 
mons the  old  men  in  council,  and  they  decide  on  the  number  of  pigs, 
and  the  amount  of  rice,  basi,  and  other  articles  required,  after  which 
the  necessary  funds  are  secured  by  levying  a  tax  on  all  the  people 
of  the  village. 

To  keep  the  evil  spirits,  who  bear  the  sickness,  out  of  the  town,  a 
cord  of  bamboo  or  rattan  is  stretched  around  the  whole  settlement, 
while  at  the  gate  a  high  fence  is  erected.  Through  the  uprights  of 
this  fence  are  stuck  bamboo  spikes  with  the  sharpened  ends  facing 


1  In  Patok  this  offering  is  placed  in  a  saloko,  which  is  planted  close  to 
the  stream. 

1  Known  in  Ba-ak  and  Langiden  as  Daya,  in  Patok  and  vicinity  as  Komon 
or  Ubaiya. 


The  Ceremonies  325 

outward,  so  as  to  catch  or  pierce  the  intruders  (Plate  XXVIII)  ;  while 
in  the  saloko  and  along  the  gateway  are  placed  leaves,  roots,  and  other 
offerings  acceptable  to  the  friendly  spirits.  Similar  cords  and  leaves 
are  also  strung  around  the  entrances  to  the  houses. 

The  cord  and  gateway  form  an  adequate  protection,  and  no  human 
being  or  spirit  will  violate  this  taboo.  Should  a  human  do  so,  the  least 
penalty  would  be  a  tax  sufficient  to  pay  all  the  expense  of  the  ceremony ; 
but  should  the  sickness  afterwards  invade  the  town,  it  is  quite  possible 
that  more  serious  punishment  might  be  exacted  by  the  families  of  the 
victims. 

When  all  is  prepared,  the  men  and  boys  arm  themselves,  and  with 
shouts  and  hostile  demonstrations  drive  the  sickness  toward  the  town 
whence  it  is  thought  to  come.1  Returning  to  the  center  of  the  village, 
the  people  dance  tadek,  and  the  mediums  may  summon  several  spirits. 
Next,  the  pigs  are  killed,  and  their  livers  are  examined  for  a  sign. 
Should  the  omens  be  unfavorable,  one  or  more  fowls  will  be  sacrificed, 
until  it  seems  certain  that  the  help  of  the  spirits  is  assured,  after  which 
the  flesh  is  cooked  and  eaten.  Then  a  small  covered  raft  (taltalabong) 
is  constructed,  and  a  portion  of  the  food  is  placed  inside.  Late  in 
the  afternoon,  this  is  carried  through  the  village,  while  one  or  more 
drummers  keep  up  a  din  to  frighten  evil  spirits  away.  Just  as  the 
sun  is  sinking,  the  raft  is  carried  to  the  river,  and  is  set  afloat,  in 
order  that  any  interested  spirits,  who  may  have  been  prevented  from 
attending  the  ceremony,  may  still  receive  their  share  of  the  offering. 
In  Likuan  a  different  explanation  is  offered  for  the  taltalabong.  Here 
they  say  that  the  offerings  are  placed  on  the  raft,  so  as  to  induce  any 
hostile  spirits  who  may  be  near  to  enter,  and  then  they  are  carried  out 
and  away  from  the  town. 

The  blood  of  the  slaughtered  animals  has  been  saved,  and  upon 
their  return  from  the  river  the  people  dip  leaves  into  it,  and  attach 
these  near  to  the  doors  of  their  dwellings.  For  at  least  one  day  fol- 
lowing, no  work  is  done,  and  all  visitors  are  barred.  During  this  time 
the  people  only  converse  in  low  tones,  and  take  special  precautions 
against  even  animals  making  a  noise.  The  beaks  of  roosters  are  tied, 
or  they  are  placed  in  small  baskets,  so  that  they  cannot  stand  up  to 
crow. 

In  Lakub  a  new  house  or  protection  is  placed  above  the  guardian 
stones,  and  offerings  are  made  to  them  at  the  time  of  the  Sagobay, 
while  in  Likuan  the  participants  wear  neck  and  ankle  bands  of  bamboo 
as  a  further  protection  from  the  sickness. 

1  This  part  of  the  ceremony  is  often  omitted  in  the  valley  towns. 

i 


326  The  Tinguian 

Ngorong-or. — Lumaba  and  the  Tinguian  villages  of  Ilokos  Sur 
hold  this  ceremony,  whenever  a  person  is  seriously  ill  with  stomach 
trouble.  As  the  rite  does  not  extend  far  into  the  Tinguian  belt,  but 
is  found  in  the  Igorot  villages  farther  south,  it  seems  likely  .that  it  is 
an  importation  from  that  region. 

The  members  of  the  family  gather  in  the  afternoon,  and  kill  a 
small  pig  by  cutting  off  its  head.  A  part  of  the  blood  is  saved,  and  the 
balance  is  sprinkled  against  the  house  posts  and  ladder.  The  pig  itself 
is  hung  from  one  round  of  the  ladder,  so  that  its  blood  will  drip  to 
the  ground.  The  medium  has  been  standing  quietly  to  one  side  watch- 
ing, but  now  she  calls  upon  the  spirits,  "You  (calling  one  or  more  by 
name),  come  out;  be  vomited  up,  for  now  you  are  being  fed."  She 
allows  them  a  few  minutes  for  their  repast,  then  cuts  open  the  carcass 
and  removes  the  liver.  A  bit  is  cut  from  the  top,  then  she  splits  open 
the  animal's  skull,  and  removes  a  little  of  the  brain.  This  she  places  on 
a  banana  leaf ;  and,  after  adding  a  small  piece  of  gold,  wraps  it  up  and 
buries  it  beside  the  center  post  of  the  dwelling.  The  animal  is  now 
cooked  and  served  to  the  guests,  but  liberal  portions  are  placed  on  the 
house  rafters  and  other  places  convenient  for  the  spirits. 

Next  morning  a  piece  is  cut  from  a  dog's  ear,  is  smeared  with  blood, 
and  is  placed  in  a  small  split  bamboo,  together  with  two  stalks  of  rice. 
A  clout  is  tied  to  a  spear,  and  all  are  rubbed  on  the  body  of  the  patient, 
while  the  medium  explains  that  this  is  the  betel-nut  of  the  spirits,  and 
that,  when  she  takes  it  from  the  village,  they  will  go  also,  and  the  re- 
covery be  assured.  The  family  follows  her  to  the  gate  of  the  town, 
and  watches  closely,  as  she  thrusts  the  spear  and  pole  into  the  ground ; 
for  if  they  are  firmly  set  in  the  ground,  yet  lean  away  from  the  village, 
it  is  certain  that  the  spirits  have  departed,  and  the  sick  will  recover. 

Following  the  ceremony,  members  of  the  family  may  not  work  for 
five  days,  neither  may  they  lead  a  horse  or  carabao,  or  eat  of  wild 
meat.  Should  they  do  any  of  the  things  forbidden,  they  will  be  struck 
by  lightning. 

Sapata  the  Oath. — If  a  theft  has  been  committed,  and  it  has 
been  impossible  to  detect  the  guilty  person,  the  following  procedure 
takes  place.  A  rice-mortar  is  placed  in  the  yard,  and  on  it  a  dish  of 
basi.  All  the  people  are  summoned  to  gather,  and  one  by  one  they 
drink  of  the  liquor,  meanwhile  calling  on  the  snakes  to  bite  them,  the 
lightning  to  strike  them,  or  their  abdomens  to  swell  up  and  burst  if 
they  are  guilty.  Soon  the  people  will  know  the  culprit,  for  one  of  these 
disasters  will  befall  him.  When  that  occurs,  his  family  will  be  com- 
pelled to  make  good  the  theft,  as  well  as  the  expense  of  this  gathering. 


The  Ceremonies  327 

2.  The  Great  Ceremonies 

In  addition  to  the  ceremonies  and  rites  which  may  be  celebrated  by 
all  the  people  there  are  a  number  of  more  elaborate  observances,  which 
can  only  be  given  by  those  who  have  the  hereditary  right,  or  who  have 
gained  the  privilege  by  a  certain  definite  procedure. 

In  general  these  ceremonies  are  restricted  to  the  villages  in  or 
close  to  the  valley  of  the  Abra,  the  lower  reaches  of  the  Tineg,  Malanas, 
and  Sinalong  rivers.  As  one  proceeds  up  the  tributary  streams  into 
such  settlements  as  Baay,  Likuan,  and  Lakub,  it  is  noticeable  that  the 
typical  spirit  houses  become  fewer  in  number,  while  the  participants 
in  the  accompanying  ceremonies  are  limited  to  recent  emigrants  from 
the  lower  valleys.  The  same  thing  is  found  to  be  true  on  the  western 
side  of  the  coast  range  of  mountains,  as  one  goes  north  or  south  from 
the  Abra  river,  although  there  is  evidence  here  that  some  of  the  settle- 
ments formerly  had  these  rites,  but  have  allowed  them  to  fall  into 
disuse,  as  a  result  of  Uocano  influence. 

This  distribution  of  the  great  ceremonies  seems  to  give  a  hint  that 
they  are  intrusive;  that  they  probably  were  at  one  time  restricted  to 
the  families  of  emigrants  and  even  to-day  are  barred  from  a  part  of 
the  people.  They  have  not  yet  extended  far  into  the  interior,  despite 
the  fact  that  in  the  lower  valleys  they  almost  completely  dominate  the 
life  of  the  people  during  a  portion  of  the  year. 

In  all  the  valley  towns  one  sees  little  houses  and  platforms, 
apparently  of  no  practical  value,  yet  occupying  important  places,  while 
in  the  period  following  the  rice-harvest  elaborate  festivals  are  carried 
on  about  them.  Soon  it  develops  that  each  of  these  structures  has  a 
definite  name,  is  associated  with  a  particular  ceremony,  and  is  built 
and  kept  in  repair  in  honor  of  certain  powerful  spirits. 

The  culmination  of  these  rites  is  the  great  Sayang  ceremony  which 
extends  over  seventeen  days  and  nights.  When  this  is  held,  it  includes 
all  the  minor  events  of  this  class,  and  the  smaller  spirit  structures  are 
then  built  or  repaired.  This  supreme  event  can  only  be  celebrated  by 
a  few  families,  but  all  the  townpeople  are  welcome  guests,  and  all, 
regardless  of  age  and  sex,  may  witness  or  take  part  in  the  proceedings. 

Since  all  the  great  events  occur  after  the  harvest,  a  time  of  leisure 
and  plenty,  they  become  the  great  social  events  of  the  year.  A  person 
who  does  not  have  the  hereditary  right  to  the  ceremonies  may  gain  the 
liberty  if  he  be  warned  in  a  dream  or  be  notified  by  the  spirits  that  it 
is  their  wish.  Since  all  the  expenses  of  such  a  gathering  fall  on  the 
giver,  it  is  imperative  that  he  be  well-to-do.  Such  a  one  gives  the 
ceremonies,  in  order,  during  a  term  of  years,  and  eventually  obtains 

\ 


328  The  Tinguian 

the  right  to  the  Sayang,  the  greatest  social  and  religious  event  in 
Tinguian  life. 

Adoption  entitles  an  individual  to  all  the  privileges  of  the  family, 
and  as  the  writer  and  his  wife  were  adopted  into  a  family  possessing 
the  right  to  all  the  ceremonies,  they  became  at  once  participants  in  all 
the  events  which  are  here  described.  In  this  way  it  was  possible  to 
obtain  information  and  instruction  on  many  points  which  observation 
alone  could  scarcely  afford. 

The  Pala-an  ceremony  is  the  first  round  on  the  social  and  religious 
ladder.  It  is  here  given  in  some  detail,  and  is  then  followed  by  others, 
in  the  order  of  their  importance. 

Pala-an. — The  Pala-an  is  held  when  some  member  of  the  family 
is  ill,  or  when  the  structure  of  that  name  needs  repair.  Many  spirits 
visit  the  people  during  this  rite,  but  the  one  chiefly  interested  is  Ida- 
daya,  the  spirit  of  the  east.  He  and  his  ten  grandchildren  wear  in  their 
hair  the  notched  tail-feathers  of  a  rooster,  which  are  known  as  igam. 
From  time  to  time  these  lose  their  luster,  and  they  can  only  be  refreshed 
by  having  some  mortal  celebrate  Pala-an. 

When  it  appears  that  these  ornaments  need  attention,  the  Idadaya 
will  notify  some  family,  either  through  a  medium  or  by  sending  illness 
to  them. 

A  family  having  received  such  a  notification  summons  a  medium, 
and  she  at  once  begins  to  gather  saklag  (Justicia  gendarussa  L.)  and 
sikag  (Lygodium  sp.  near  scandens)  and  a  grass  known  as  bildis,  while 
the  men  secure  the  bamboo  and  other  materials  used  in  building  the 
spirit  structure.  One  corner  of  the  living  room  is  screened  off  with  a 
large  white  blanket  called  tabing,  and  behind  it  the  medium  places 
unthreshed  rice  and  jars  which  she  has  decked  with  vines  and  leaves. 

While  she  is  thus  engaged,  the  men  are  busy  building  the  pala-an 
(Plate  XXIV).  This  consists  of  four  long  poles — three  of  bamboo 
and  one  of  a  resinous  tree,  anteng,1  set  in  a  square  and  supporting, 
near  the  top,  a  platform  of  bamboo. 

A  number  of  women  have  been  invited  to  assist  the  family,  and 
they  now  proceed  to  beat  out  sufficient  rice  to  serve  the  guests.  When 
the  pounding  is  finished,  a  rice-mortar  is  set  out  in  the  open,  and  a 
little  rice  is  placed  in  it.    The  women,  armed  with  long  pestles,  gather 

1  Canariutn  villosum  Bl.  The  resinous  properties  of  this  tree  are  supposed 
to  make  bright  or  clear,  to  the  spirits,  that  the  ceremony  has  been  properly 
conducted.  According  to  some  informants,  the  pala-an  is  intended  as  a  stable 
for  the  horse  of  Idadaya  when  he  attends  the  ceremony,  but  this  seems  to 
be  a  recent  explanation. 


The  Ceremonies  329 

around  and,  keeping  time  to  the  music  of  copper  gongs,  they  circle 
the  mortar  contra-clockwise,  striking  its  edge  three  times  in  regular 
beats  of  1,  2,  3;  on  the  next  beat  the  leader  strikes  the  bottom  of  her 
pestle  against  that  of  her  neighbor,  on  the  first  and  second  beats,  but 
on  the  third  she  pounds  the  rice  in  the  mortar.  This  is  repeated  by  the 
woman  on  her  right  and  so  on  around  the  circle.  Then  the  leader 
strikes  the  top  of  her  pestle  against  the  top  of  the  one  held  by  the 
women  next  her  on  two  beats  and  on  the  third  pounds  rice,  and  this 
is  repeated  by  all.  The  music  now  becomes  much  faster,  and,  keeping 
time  with  it,  the  leader  strikes  first  into  the  rice,  then  whirls  clear 
around  and  strikes  the  pestle  of  the  woman  on  her  left ;  again  she 
turns  and  strikes  that  of  the  woman  on  her  right.  Each  follows  her 
in  turn,  and  soon  all  are  in  motion  about  the  mortar,  alternately  pound- 
ing the  rice  and  clashing  pestles.  This  is  known  as  kltong,  and  is  the 
method  prescribed  by  the  great  spirit  Kaboniyan  for  the  breaking  of 
a  part  of  the  rice  to  be  used  in  this  and  other  ceremonies 
(Plate  XXXI). 

As  soon  as  the  pounding  is  finished,  the  medium  places  some  of  the 
newly  broken  rice  in  a  bamboo  dish,  and  places  this  on  a  rice  winnower. 
She  also  adds  a  skirt,  five  pieces  of  betel-nut,  two  piper  leaves,  and  a 
little  dish  of  oil,  and  carries  the  collection  below  the  pala-an,  where  a 
bound  pig  lies.  The  betel-nut  and  leaf  are  placed  on  the  animal,  then 
the  medium  dips  her  fingers  in  the  oil,  and  strokes  its  side  while  she 
recites  the  following  diam: — 

"The  spirit  who  lives  in  Dadaya  lies  in  bed ;  he  looks  at  his  Igam, 
and  they  are  dull.  He  looks  again,  'Why  are  my  igam  dull?  Ala,  let 
us  go  to  Sudipan,  where  the  Tinguian  live,  and  let  us  take  our  igam,  so 
that  some  one  may  make  them  bright  again.'  After  that  they  laid 
them  (the  igam)  on  the  house  of  the  Ipogau,  and  they  are  all  sick  who 
live  in  that  house.  Kaboniyan  looked  down  on  them.  'Ala,  I  shall 
go  down  to  the  Ipogau.'  He  truly  went  down  to  them,  'What  is  the 
matter  with  you?'  'We  are  all  sick  who  live  in  the  same  place,'  said 
those  sick  ones.  'That  is  true,  and  the  cause  of  your  sickness  is  that 
they  (the  spirits)  laid  down  their  Igam  on  you.  It  is  best  that  you  make 
Pala-an,  since  you  have  received  their  igam,  for  that  is  the  cause  of 
your  illness.'  After  that  they  made  Palawan,  and  they  recovered  from 
their  sickness,  those  who  lived  in  the  sanle  place.  (Here  the  medium 
calls  the  spirits  of  Dadaya  by  name  and  then  continues.)  'Now  those 
who  live  in  the  same  place  make  bright  again  those  igam  which  you  left 
in  their  house.    Make  them  well  again,  if  you  please'." 

As  soon  as  she  finishes  her  recital,  the  pig  is  stabbed  in  the  throat, 


330  The  Tinguian 

its  blood  is  collected,  and  is  mixed  with  cooked  rice.  The  carcass  is 
singed  at  once.  Five  men  then  carry  it  to  the  top  of  the  pala-an,  where 
it  is  cut  up.  The  suet  and  the  hind  legs  are  handed  to  the  medium,  who 
places  them  behind  the  screen  in  the  room,  and  the  family  may  then 
rest  assured  that  the  spirits  thus  remembered  will  free  them  from 
headache  and  sore  eyes.  After  the  flesh  has  been  cut  into  small  pieces, 
most  of  it  is  carried  into  the  dwelling  to  be  cooked  for  the  guests,  but 
a  portion  is  placed  in  a  bamboo  tube,  and  is  cooked  beneath  the  pala-an. 
When  it  is  ready  to  serve,  the  five  men  again  go  to  the  top  of  the 
structure  and  eat  it,  together  with  cooked  rice,  then  they  take  the 
bamboo  cooking  tube,  tie  some  of  the  sacred  vines  from  behind  the 
curtain  about  it,  and  fasten  it  to  one  pole  of  the  pala-an.  The  men  in 
the  house  are  free  to  eat,  and  when  they  are  finished,  the  women 
dine. 

In  the  cool  of  the  afternoon,  the  people  begin  to  assemble  in  the 
yard,  where  they  are  soon  joined  by  the  medium  carrying  a  spear  in 
one  hand,  a  rooster  in  the  other,  and  with  a  rice  winnower  atop  her 
head.  She  places  the  latter  on  a  rice-mortar  close  to  the  pala-an,  and 
uncovering  it  reveals  a  small  head-axe,  notched  chicken  feathers,  her 
shells,  five  pieces  of  betel-nut  and  two  leaves,  a  jar  cover,  a  dish  of  oil, 
and  a  coconut  shell  filled  with  rice  and  blood. 

At  the  command  of  the  medium,  four  or  five  men  begin  to  play 
on  copper  gongs,  while  the  wife  of  the  host  comes  forward  and  receives 
the  spear  and  rooster  in  one  hand.  The  medium  takes  the  head-axe,  and 
then  the  two  women  take  hold  of  the  winnower  with  their  free  hands. 
Keeping  time  to  the  music,  they  lift  it  from  the  mortar,  take  one  step, 
then  stop,  strike  the  spear  and  head-axe  together,  then  step  and  stop 
again.  At  each  halt  the  medium  takes  a  little  of  the  rice  and  blood 
from  the  winnower  and  sprinkles  it  on  the  ground  for  the  spirits  to  eat.1 
When  they  have  made  half  the  circuit  of  the  mortar,  they  change 
places  and  retrace  their  steps ;  for  "as  they  take  the  gifts  partly  away 
and  then  replace  them,  in  the  same  manner  the  spirits  will  return  that 
part  of  the  patient's  life  which  they  had  removed,  and  he  will  become 
well  and  strong  again." 

The  blood  and  rice  which  remain  after  this  dance  is  placed  on  nine 
pieces  of  banana  bark.  Five  of  these  are  carried  to  the  pala-an;  one 
to  the  east  and  one  to  the  west  gate  of  the  town;  one  is  put  on  the 
talagan,  a  miniature  seat  erected  near  by  for  the  convenience  of  visiting 


1  This  feeding  of  the  spirits  with  blood  and  rice  is  known  as  ptsek,  while 
the  whole  of  the  procedure  about  the  mortar  is  called  sangba. 


The  Ceremonies  331 

spirits,  and  one  in  a  little  spirit  house  known  as  tangpap  (cf.  p.  311). 
For  an  hour  or  more,  the  medium  makes  dawak,  and  summons  many 
spirits  into  her  body.  When  the  last  of  superior  beings  has  made  his 
call,  the  medium  goes  to  her  home,  carrying  her  payment  for  the  day's 
work,1  but  the  townspeople  remain  to  drink  bast  and  to  sing  da-eng 
until  well  into  the  night. 

Early  the  next  morning,  the  medium  goes  to  the  house,  and  remov- 
ing the  jars  and  the  bundle  of  decorated  rice  from  the  tabing,  carries 
them  to  the  family's  rice  granary,  and  places  them  in  the  center  of  that 
structure,  covering  them  with  six  bundles  of  rice.  This  is  an  offering 
to  the  spirit  residing  there,  and  for  the  next  five  days  the  granary  must 
not  be  opened. 

Nothing  more  of  importance  takes  place  during  the  morning,  but 
late  in  the  afternoon  the  people  assemble  in  the  dwelling  to  drink  basi, 
while  one  or  more  mediums  summon  the  spirits.  After  a  time  a  sterile 
female  pig  is  brought  in  and  placed  in  the  center  of  the  room.  Two 
men  armed  with  long  knives  slice  the  animal  open  along  the  length  of 
its  stomach.  An  old  man  quickly  slips  in  his  hand,  draws  out  the  still 
palpitating  heart,  and  hands  it  to  a  medium,  who  in  turn  strokes  the 
stomachs  of  members  of  the  family,  thus  protecting  them  from 
intestinal  troubles.  She  also  touches  the  guests  and  the  articles  which 
have  been  used  during  the  day.  For  this  second  day  this  medium 
receives,  as  pay,  the  head  and  two  legs  of  the  pig,  a  hundred  fathoms  of 
thread,  a  dish  of  broken  rice,  and  five  bundles  of  unthreshed  rice.  She 
also  is  given  a  small  present  in  exchange  for  each  bead  she  received 
when  the  spirits  entered  her  body. 

Following  the  ceremony,  the  members  of  the  family  are  barred 
from  work,  usually  for  one  moon,  and  during  this  period  they  may  not 
eat  of  wild  pig  or  carabao,  of  lobsters  or  eels.  An  infraction  of  this 
rule  would  incur  the  wrath  of  the  spirits  and  result  in  sickness  and 
disaster. 

Tangpap. — In  many  of  the  valley  towns  Tangpap  is  only  a  part  of 
Sayatig  (cf.  p.  345),  and  is  never  given  alone,  but  in  Manabo,  Lagan- 
gilang,  and  nearby  settlements  it  is  recognized  as  one  of  the  ceremonies 
which  must  be  celebrated  before  a  family  acquires  the  right  to  Sayang. 
In  these  villages  it  follows  Pala-an  after  a  lapse  of  two  or  three  years. 
It  was  during  the  progress  of  this  ceremony  in  the  village  of  Manabo, 
in  1908,  that  the  writer  and  his  wife  were  made  members  of  the  tribe, 


1  This  consists  of  two  bundles  of  rice,  a  dish  of  broken  rice,  a  hundred 
fathoms  of  thread,  one  leg  of  the  pig,  and  a  small  coin. 


/ 


2>$2  •  The  Tinguian 

and  since  the  mediums  were  particularly  anxious  that  we  know  all  the 
details,  the  information  in  this  instance  is  unusually  complete.  It  is 
here  given  in  full,  as  an  excellent  example  of  how  all  are  conducted. 

A  Manabo  woman,  the  wife  of  Sagasag,  was  seized  with  an  illness 
which  deprived  her  of  the  use  of  her  limbs,  and  when  other  means  of 
relief  failed,  was  told  by  the  spirits  to  give  the  Tangpap  ceremony,  to 
which  she  already  had  a  hereditary  right.  A  medium  was  summoned, 
and  she,  with  two  assistants,  began  to  prepare  many  presents  for  the 
spirits  who  were  expected  to  attend  the  ceremony.  From  previous 
experience  it  was  known  the  sort  of  gift  each  would  appreciate,  and  by 
the  end  of  the  second  day  the  following  things  were  in  readiness. 

For  the  spirits  Bakod  and  Olak,1  a  rice  winnower  was  loaded  with 
a  shield,  a  clay  dish,  a  coconut  shell  filled  with  basi,  a  string  of  beads, 
a  small  basket,  two  bundles  of  rice,  and  leaves  of  the  atilwag  (Brcynia 
acuminata),  later  the  half  of  a  slain  pig  was  also  added. 

Cords  were  attached  at  each  corner  of  the  living  room,  and  beneath 
the  points  where  they  crossed  was  a  mat  on  which  the  mediums  were 
to  sit  when  summoning  the  spirits.  On  the  cords  were  leaves,  grasses, 
and  vines,  the  whole  forming  a  decoration  pleasing  to  the  superior 
beings,  I-anayan  and  I-angawan. 

For  Gapas  they  provided  two  small  baskets  of  rice,  a  shell  called 
gosipeng,  and  a  rattan-like  vine,  tanobong,  betel-nuts  and  piper-leaf. 

Bogewan  received  a  basket  of  rice,  some  white  thread,  sections  of 
posel — a  variety  of  bamboo — ,  atilwag  leaves,  and  some  beads.  For 
Bognitan,  a  jar  was  partly  filled  with  tanobong,  and  for  Gilin,  a  jar  of 
basi.  Cooked  rice  was  moulded  into  the  form  of  an  alligator,  and 
was  spotted  with  red,  betel  saliva.  This,  when  placed  on  a  basket  of 
rice,  was  intended  for  Bolandan. 

Soyan  was  provided  with  a  basket  which  contained  the  medium's 
'shells  and  a  cloth,  while  Ibaka  received  a  jar  cover  filled  with  salt. 
Dandawila  had  to  be  content  with  a  stem  of  young  betel-nuts,  and 
Bakoki  with  two  fish  baskets  filled  with  pounded  rice,  also  a  spear.  A 
large  white  blanket  was  folded  into  a  neat  square,  and  on  it  was  laid 
a  lead  sinker  for  the  use  of  Mamonglo. 

As  a  rule,  three  spirits  named  MabEyan  attended  this  ceremony.  For 
the  first,  a  bamboo  frame  was  constructed,  and  on  it  was  placed  a 
female  pig,  runo  (a  reed),  and  prepared  betel  nut.  For  the  second,  a 
shield,  fish  net,  rice  and  a  rice  winnower,  and  a  bit  of  string;    while 

1  Many  spirits  which  appear  here  and  in  Sayang  are  not  mentioned  in  the 
alphabetical  list  of  spirits,  as  they  play  only  a  local  or  minor  role  in  the  life 
of  the  people. 


The  Ceremonies  333 

for  the  third,  a  rice  winnower  was  set  with  eight  coconut  shells,  a  small 
dish,  and  a  gourd  dipper. 

During  a  considerable  portion  of  the  time  that  these  articles  were 
being  prepared,  several  men  sat  in  the  yard  and  played  on  the 
tongdtong,  but  when  the  mediums  finally  gave  the  signal  that  every- 
thing was  in  readiness,  they  moved  their  instrument  up  on  the  porch 
of  the  dwelling,  where  they  continued  playing  softly. 

One  of  the  mediums  took  her  place  in  the  mat  in  the  middle  of  the 
room,  and  raising  a  Chinese  plate  above  her  head,  began  to  strike 
against  it  with  her  shells,  in  order  to  notify  the  spirits  that  the 
ceremony  was  about  to  begin.  Next  she  placed  two  dishes  on  the  mat 
in  front  of  her,  and  as  she  sang  a  monotonous  chant,  she  touched  each 
one  with  a  small  stick.  The  host  was  then  ordered  to  shuffle  his  feet 
between  the  lines  of  dishes  and  to  step  over  each  one.  As  soon  as  he 
did  so,  the  medium  pulled  the  mat  from  beneath  them,  rolled  it  up, 
and  used  it  as  a  whip  with  which  she  struck  the  head  of  each  member 
of  the  family.  The  spirit  who  had  caused  the  woman's  illness  was 
supposed  to  be  near  by,  and  after  he  witnessed  this  whipping,  he  would 
be  afraid  to  remain  longer.  As  a  promise  of  future  reward  to  the  well- 
disposed  immortals,  a  bound  pig  was  then  placed  beside  the  door  of 
the  dwelling. 

Going  to  the  hearth,  the  medium  withdrew  burning  sticks,  and 
placed  them  in  a  jar,  and  held  this  over  the  head  of  the  sick  woman, 
for  "a  spirit  has  made  her  sick,  but  the  fire  will  frighten  him  away, 
and  she  will  get  well."  After  she  had  made  the  circuit  of  the  family, 
she  held  a  bundle  of  rice  above  the  flames,  and  with  it  again  went  to 
each  person  in  the  room ;  then  she  did  the  same  thing  with  broken  rice 
and  with  the  atihvag  vine. 

Two  mediums  then  seated  themselves  on  the  mat,  and  covering 
their  faces  with  their  hands,  began  to  chant  and  wail,  beseeching  the 
spirits  to  enter  their  bodies.  One  after  another  the  spirits  came  and 
possesed  the  mediums,  so  that  they  were  no  longer  regarded  as  human 
beings,  but  as  the  spirits  themselves.  First  came  Kakalonan,  also 
known  as  Boboyonan,  a  friendly  being  whose  chief  duty  it  is  to  find 
the  cause  of  troubles.  Addressing  the  sick  woman,  he  said,  "Now  you 
make  this  ceremony,  and  I  come  to  make  friends  and  to  tell  you  the 
cause  of  your  trouble.  I  do  not  think  it  was  necessary  for  you  to  hold 
this  ceremony  now,  for  you  built  your  balaua  only  two  years  ago ;  yet 
it  is  best  that  you  do  so,  for  you  can  do  nothing  else.  You  are  not  like 
the  spirits.  If  we  die,  we  come  to  life  again ;  if  you  die,  you  do  not." 
At  this  point  an  old  man  interrupted,  and  offered  him  a  drink  of  bast. 


334  The  Tinguian 

At  first  Kakalonan  refused,  saying  he  did  not  want  to  accept  any 
payment ;  but  finally  he  yielded  and  drained  the  coconut  shell  of 
liquor.  After  assuring  the  family  that  all  would  be  well  with  them 
when  the  ceremony  was  complete,  he  took  his  departure. 

The  next  spirit  to  come  was  Sagangan1  of  Anayan.  He  appeared  to 
be  in  a  rage,  because  the  proper  present  had  not  been  prepared  for 
his-  coming,  and  was  expressing  himself  vigorously  when  a  passing 
woman  happened  to  touch  him,  and  he  at  once  departed.  The  medium 
chanted  for  a  long  time,  urging  him  to  return,  and  finally  he  did 
so.  At  once  he  demanded  that  two  bundles  of  rice  have  wax  heads 
moulded  on  them,  and  that  black  beads  be  inserted  for  eyes.  These, 
he  assured  them,  would  serve  him  as  well  as  the  woman's  life,  so  he 
would  make  the  exchange,  and  she  would  get  well. 

When  the  dolls  were  prepared,  he  addressed  the  husband,  "My 
other  name  is  Ingalit,  and  I  live  in  the  sky.  What  is  the  matter  with 
the  woman?"  "I  do  not  know,"  replied  the  man.  "We  ask  you." 
"You  ask  me,  what  is  the  matter  with  this  woman,  and  I  will  tell  you. 
How  does  it  happen  that  Americans  are  attending  the  ceremony  ?"  The 
husband  replied  that  the  Americans  wished  to  learn  the  Tinguian 
customs,  and  this  finally  seemed  to  satisfy  the  superior  being.  Turning 
toward  the  door  where  the  men  were  still  softly  playing  on  the  tong- 
dtong,  he  called  out  peevishly,  "Tell  the  people  not  to  play  on  the  tong- 
dtong,  for  the  spirits  who  wish  to  hear  it  are  not  present,  and  we  are 
ashamed  to  have  the  Americans  hear  it.  You  make  this  ceremony 
now  because  you  are  sick  and  do  not  wish  to  die,  but  you  could  have 
waited  two  years." 

While  this  spirit  was  talking,  another,  who  said  he  lived  in  Lang- 
bosan,  and  had  been  sent  by  Gilen,  came  to  the  body  of  the  second 
medium.  Paying  no  attention  to  the  other  spirit,  he  began  to  give 
instructions  for  the  conduct  of  the  ceremony.  The  tangpap  was  to  be 
build  the  next  morning,  also  two  balags  (p.  308),  and  for  them  they 
were  to  prepare  one  pig.  "Do  not  fail  to  prepare  this  pig,  but  you  may 
use  it  for  both  tangpap  and  balag.  You  will  also  make  a  taltalabong 
(p.  311).  For  this  you  must  prepare  a  different  pig,  for  this  is  for  the 
sons  and  servants  of  Kadaklan." 

After  the  departure  of  these  beings,  ten  other  spirits  came  in  quick 
succession.     Two  of  the  latter  claimed  to  be  Igorot  spirits,  and  both 


1  The  spirit  who  lives  in  the  sagang,  the  sharpened  bamboo  sticks  on  which 
the  skulls  of  enemies  were  displayed. 


The  Ceremonies  335 

talked  with  the  peculiar  stacatto  accent  of  the  people  who  live  along 
the  Kalinga-Igorot  border.1 

After  the  departure  of  the  Igorot  .spirits,  both  mediums  were 
possessed,  one  by  Sanadan,  a  male  spirit,  and  the  other  by  the  female 
spirit  of  Pangpangdan.  At  their  request  the  men  began  again  to  play 
on  the  tongdtong,  and  the  spirits  danced.  Soon  Sanadan  began  to 
fondle  the  woman,  to  rub  her  face  with  his,  to  feel  of  her  body  and  at 
last  of  her  privates.  Other  spirits,  who  stayed  only  long  enough  to 
drink,  followed  them,  and  then  Gonay  appeared.  The  spectators  had 
been  openly  bored  by  the  last  few  visitors,  but  the  name  of  Gonay 
quickly  revived  their  interest.  She  began  to  sing  a  wailing  song  in 
which  she  told  of  her  sad  plight.  Time  after  time  she  repeated  the 
sentence,  "Gongay  has  no  husband,  for  her  mother  put  a  stone  in  her 
vagina,  yet  she  loves  all  young  men."  From  time  to  time  she  would 
pause,  and  make  ludicrous  attempts  to  fondle  the  young  boys,  and  then 
when  they  resisted  her,  she  again  took  up  her  plaint.  At  last  she 
succeeded  in  getting  one  young  fellow  to  exchange  cigars  and  head- 
bands with  her,  and  began  to  rub  her  hands  on  his  body,  urging  him 
not  to  leave  her.  Just  when  she  seemed  on  the  verge  of  success  in 
winning  him,  another  spirit  Baliwaga  came  to  the  medium,  and  the 
fun-maker  had  to  depart.  The  newcomer  placed  an  agate  bead  in  a 
dish,  and  held  it  high  above  his  head  while  he  danced.  Finally  he 
called  out  that  the  bead  had  vanished,  but  when  he  lowered  the  plate, 
it  was  still  there,  and  he  left  in  chagrin.  He  was  succeeded  by  a  dumb 
female  spirit  named  Damolan,  who  undertook  to  do  the  trick  in  which 
her  predecessor  had  failed.  Holding  the  plate  high  above  her  head, 
she  danced  furiously,  and  from  time  to  time  struck  against  the  side  of 
the  dish  with  the  medium's  shells.  Twice  when  she  lowered  the  dish, 
the  bead  was  there,  but  on  the  third  attempt  it  had  vanished.  The 
trick  was  so  cleverly  done  that,  although  we  were  beside  her  and 
watching  closely,  we  did  not  detect  the  final  movement.  With  much 
satisfaction,  the  medium  assured  us  that  the  bead  would  be  found  in 
the  hair  of  the  man  who  broke  the  first  ground  for  the  tang  pap,  a  boast 
which  was  made  good  the  following  morning. 

Adadog  came  next,  and  not  finding  the  chicken  which  should  have 
been  placed  on  the  mat  for  him,  he  broke  out  in  a  great  fury  and  tried 
to  seize  a  man  in  its  place.  He  was  restrained  from  doing  injury  to 
his  victim,  and  soon  left,  still  highly  indignant.     Seven  other  spirits 

1  This  is  of  particular  interest,  as  the  Tinguian  are  hostile  to  the  people 
of  this  region,  and  it  is  unlikely  that  either  of  the  mediums  had  ever  seen  a 
native  of  that  region. 


336  The  Tinguian 

stopped  only  for  a  drink,  and  then  Daliwaya  appeared.  Upon  her 
arrival,  one  of  the  headmen  gravely  informed  her  that  the  people 
wished  to  adopt  four  Americans,  but  that  only  one  was  then  present. 
The  spirit  bade  the  writer  to  arise  from  the  mat,  where  he  was  lying, 
and  after  stroking  his  head  for  a  time,  said,  "You  wish  to  make  this 
American  an  Itneg,1  but  before  you  can  do  anything,  the  spirits  must 
approve  and  give  him  a  name.  I  will  give  him  a  name  now,  and  then 
to-morrow  all  the  people  must  say  if  they  wish  to  give  him  another 
name  and  make  him  Ipogau.2  His  name  shall  be  Agonan,  for  that  is 
the  name  of  the  spirit  who  knows  many  languages."  Again  she  stroked 
the  writer's  head,  and  then  taking  a  large  porcelain  platter,  she  filled  it 
with  basi,  and  together  we  drank  the  liquor,  alternately,  a  swallow  at 
a  time. 

After  her  departure,  an  Alzado3  came  and  danced  with  high  knee 
action,  meantime  saying,  she  was  there  to  make  some  one  ill,  and  that 
she  would  do  so  unless  the  American  gave  her  a  cloth  for  her  clout 
when  she  returned  the  following  day. 

The  next  visitor  was  Sanadan,  the  spirit  who  owns  and  guards  the 
deer  and  wild  pig.  Up  to  this  time  the  people  had  been  mildly 
interested  in  the  arrivals,  but  when  this  important  being  appeared,  the 
men  at  once  became  alert ;  they  told  him  of  their  troubles  in  the  hunts, 
of  the  scarcity  of  deer,  and  urged  him  to  send  more  of  them  to  Mt. 
Posoey,  where  they  were  accustomed  to  hunt.  He  offered  much  good 
advice  concerning  the  methods  of  hunting,  but  refused  to  take  any 
action  regarding  the  game  on  the  nearby  mountain,  for,  he  said,  the 
spirit  Dapwanay  who  owns  Posoey  was  watching  the  game  there.  Just 
before  he  departed,  he  called  to  the  headmen,  "I  am  very  rich  and 
very  bold.  I  am  not  afraid  to  go  anywhere.  I  can  become  the  sunset 
sky.  I  am  going  to  Asbinan  in  Kalaskigan  to  have  him  make  me  a 
shoe  of  gold.  To-morrow  you  must  not  use  any  of  the  things  you 
have  had  out-of-doors,  but  you  may  make  use  of  them  when  you 
build  the  taltalabong." 

The  last  spirit  to  come  that  night  was  Ablalansa  who  keeps  guard 
over  the  sons  of  Kadaklan.  He  paused  only  for  a  drink  and  to  tell  the 
people  that  America  was  very  near  to  the  place,  where  the  big  birds 
live  who  eat  people. 

1  The  name  by  which  the  Tinguian  designate  their  own  people. 

2  The  spirits'  name  for  the  Tinguian. 

3  The  term  Alzado  is  applied  to  the  wilder  head-hunting  groups  north  and 
east  of  Abra. 


The  Ceremonies  337 

It  was  midnight  when  the  medium  informed  us  that  no  more  spirits 
would  come  that  evening,  and  we  went  to  rest. 

About  six  o'clock  the  next  morning,  the  women  began  the 
ceremonial  pounding  of  the  rice  known  as  kttong  (cf.  p.  329)  in  the 
yard,  while  one  of  the  mediums  went  to  the  bound  pig  lying  in  the 
dwelling  and  recited  a  dlam  as  she  stroked  its  side ;  she  also  poured  a 
little  bast  through  the  slits  in  the  floor  for  the  use  of  any  visiting  spirits. 
While  the  women  were  thus  engaged,  the  men  were  busy  constructing 
spirit  houses  in  the  yard.  Of  greatest  importance  was  the  tangpap 
(Plate  XXVII),  a  small  bamboo  structure  with  a  slanting  roof,  resting 
on  four  poles,  and  an  interwoven  bamboo  floor  fastened  about  three 
feet  above  the  ground.1  Near  one  of  the  house  poles  a  funnel-shaped 
basket  was  tied,  and  in  it  was  set  a  forked  stick,  within  the  crotch  of 
which  was  a  little  floor  and  roof,  the  whole  forming  a  resting  place  for 
the  Igorot  spirits  of  Talegteg.  The  pala-an  needed  a  few  repairs,  and 
two  of  the  old  men  looked  after  these,  while  others  made  two  long 
covered  bamboo  benches  which  might  be  used  either  by  visiting  men  or 
spirits.2  Four  long  bamboo  poles  were  set  in  the  ground,  and  a  roof 
placed  over  them  to  form  the  bang-bangsal,  a  shelter  always  provided 
for  the  spirits  of  Soyau. 

By  ten  o'clock  all  was  in  readiness,  and  the  people  then  gathered  in 
the  dwelling,  where  the  mediums  began  summoning  the  spirits.  The 
first  to  arrive  was  Omgbawan,  a  female  spirit  whose  conversation 
ran  as  follows :  "I  come  now  because  you  people  ought  to  make  this 
ceremony.  I  did  not  come  last  night,  for  there  were  many  spirits  here, 
and  I  was  busy.  You  people  who  build  tangpap  must  provide  all  the 
necessary  things,  even  though  they  are  costly.  It  is  good  that  the 
Americans  are  here.    I  never  talked  with  one  before." 

Manaldek3  was  the  next  arrival,  and  as  he  was  one  of  the  spirits 
who  was  supposed  to  have  caused  the  patient's  illness,  his  visit  was  of 
considerable  importance.  He  was  presented  with  a  spear  and  prepared  ■ 
betel-nut.  The  latter  was  attached  to  the  point  of  the  weapon,  and  this 
was  pressed  against  the  body  of  the  pig,  then  the  spirit  touched  each 
member  of  the  family  in  order  to  drive  the  sickness  from  them. 

Mamonglo  ordered  the  family  under  a  white  blanket,  and  then 


1  When  the  tangpap  is  built  during  the  Sayang  ceremony,  it  is  a  little  house 
with  two  raised  floors.  On  the  lower  are  small  pottery  jars,  daubed  with  white, 
and  filled  with  basi  (Plate  XX). 

*  The  talagan  (see  p.  308). 

*  This  being  lives  in  Binogan.  His  brothers  are  Gllen,  Ilongbosan.  Idodosan, 
Iyangayang,  and  Sagolo. 


338  The  Tinguian 

touched  the  head  of  each  person  with  a  lead  sinker,  while  his 
companion  spirit  waved  a  bundle  of  rice  and  a  firebrand  over  them, 
"To  take  away  the  sickness  which  they  had  sent."  Six  other  spirits 
came  long  enough  to  drink,  then  Bisangolan  occupied  the  attention  of 
all  for  a  time.  He  is  an  old  man,  a  giant  who  lives-  near  the  river,  and 
with  his  head-axe  keeps  the  trees  and  driftwood  from  jamming,  and 
thus  prevents  floods.  For  quite  a  time  he  chatted  about  himself,  then 
finally  blew  smoke  over  the  people,  at  the  same  time  assuring  them  that 
the  sickness  would  now  vanish  like  the  smoke.  Just  before  departing 
he  informed  the  family  that  a  spirit  named  Imalbi  had  caused  the 
trouble  in  the  patient's  eyes,  and' that  on  the  next  morning  they  must 
build  a  little  house,  called  balitang,  among  the  banana  trees,  and  place 
in  it  a  live  chicken. 

Gayangayan,  a  female  spirit  from  Lagayan,  followed,  rubbed  the 
head  of  each  person,  blew  smoke  over  them,  and  then  announced  thus : 
"The  people  of  Layogan1  must  not  close  their  doors  when  it  rains,  or 
it  will  stop." 

The  attitude  of  the  people  toward  the  weaker  and  less  important 
spirits  was  well  shown  when  Ambayau,  a  wild  female  spirit,  arrived. 
She  demanded  to  know  where  she  could  secure  heads,  and  immediately 
the  people  began  to  tell  her  all  sorts  of  impossible  places,  and  made  jests 
about  her  and  her  family.  Finally  they  told  her  to  take  the  head  of  a 
certain  Christianized  native;  but  she  refused,  since  she  had  short  hair, 
and  it  would  be  hard  for  her  to  carry  the  skull.  While  she  was  still 
talking,  the  men  started  to  carry  the  pig  from  the  room,  but  she 
detained  them,  to  explain  that  the  people  cut  the  meat  into  too  large 
pieces,  for  "we  spirits  eat  only  so  much,"  indicating  a  pinch.  The 
spirit  Soyau  came  for  a  drink,  and  then  all  the  people  went  out  to  the 
tangpap,  where  the  pig  was  killed,  singed,  and  cut  up.  A  small  pig  was 
laid  beside  the  pala-an,  and  for  a  time  was  guarded  by  the  son  of  the 
sick  woman,  who  for  this  event  had  placed  the  notched  chicken-feathers 
in  his  hair,  and  had  put  on  bracelets  of  boar's  tusks.  As  soon  as  she 
had  finished  at  the  tangpap,  the  medium  came  to  the  pala-an,  and 
having  recited  the  proper  diam  over  the  pig  lying  there,  ordered  it 
killed  in  the  manner  already  described  for  this  structure  (cf.  p.  329). 
Both  animals  were  then  cooked,  and  soon  all  the  guests  were  eating, 
drinking  and  jesting. 

Late  in  the  afternoon,  the  spirit  mat  was  spread  in  the  yard  near  to 
the  tangpap,  and  the  mediums  began  summoning  the  spirits.     The 

1  The  site  of  the  old  village  of  Bukay. 


The  Ceremonies  339 

first  to  come  was  MamabEyan,  an  Igorot  spirit  for  whom  the  people 
showed  the  utmost  contempt.  They  guyed  him,  threw  dirty  water  on 
his  body,  and  in  other  ways  insulted  him,  until  in  his  fury  he  tried  to 
climb  the  house  posts  to  punish  a  group  of  girls,  the  worst  offenders, 
but  men  and  women  rushed  up  with  sticks  and  clubs,  and  drove  him 
back.  After  a  time  he  calmed  down,  and  going  to  a  bound  pig,  he 
addressed  it  as  "a  pretty  lady,"  and  tried  to  caress  it. 

While  this  clown  spirit  was  amusing  the  crowd,  a  second  medium 
brought  out  ten  coconut  shells,  one  of  which  was  filled  with  blood  and 
rice.  These  she  placed  on  a  winnower,  which  in  turn  was  set  on  a  rice- 
mortar.  Soon  the  spirit  Ilongbosan  entered  her  body,  and  commanded 
the  son  of  the  patient  to  take  some  of  the  blood  and  rice  from  the  one 
dish,  place  it  in  all  the  others,  and  then  put  it  back  again,  "for  when  the 
spirits  make  a  man  sick,  they  take  part  of  his  life,  and  when  they  make 
him  well,  they  put  it  back.  So  the  boy  takes  a  part  of  the  blood  and 
rice  away,  and  gives  it  to  the  spirits,  then  puts  it  back."  The  spirit  was 
followed  by  Gilen,  who  bade  the  lad  take  hold  of  one  side  of  the 
winnower,  while  he  held  the  other.  Raising  it  in  the  air,  they  danced 
half  way  round  the  mortar,  then  retraced  their  steps.  "This  is  because 
the  spirits  only  partially  took  the  life  away.  Now  they  put  it  back." 
As  they  finished  dancing,  Gilen  struck  his  spear  against  the  boy's 
head-axe  and  departed. 

The  medium,  now  with  her  own  personality,  leaned  a  shield  against 
the  rice-mortar,  and  in  the  A  thus  formed  she  hung  a  small  bundle 
of  rice  and  a  burning  cord,  while  over  the  whole  she  spread  a  fish 
net.  Scarcely  had  she  completed  this  task,  when  she  was  possessed  by 
the  spirit  of  Kibayen,  this  being  walked  round  and  round  the  net,  seek- 
ing for  an  opening,  but  without  success.  Later  the  medium  explained, 
"The  rice  and  fire  represent  the  woman's  life,  which  the  spirit  wishes 
to  take ;  but  she  cannot,  since  she  is  unable  to  pass  through  the  fish 
net." 

The  next  visitor  was  Yangayang,  who  began  to  boast  of  his  power 
to  make  persons  ill.  Suddenly  the  medium  fell  to  the  ground  in 
convulsions,  and  then  stretched  out  in  a  dead  faint.  The  writer 
examined  her  closely,  but  could  not  detect  her  breathing.  After  a 
moment,  the  second  medium  seized  a  rooster  and  waved  it  over  the 
prostrate  form,  while  an  old  man  gave  a  sharp  stroke  on  a  gong  close  to 
her  head.  The  medium  awoke  from  her  faint  and  thus  "the  death 
was  frightened  away." 

Mamonglo,  who  had  been  present  during  the  morning,  returned  for 
a  moment  to  again  rub  the  family  and  guests  with  his  lead  sinker. 


340  The  Tinguian 

While  he  was  thus  engaged,  the  second  medium  was  possessed  by 
Baniyat,  a  female  who  made  a  bit  of  fun  by  trying  to  steal  the  beads 
of  the  young  girls,  "so  the  men  would  love  her."  Several  times  she 
tried  to  scale  the  house  ladder,  but  was  always  repulsed,  and  each 
failure  was  greeted  with  jeers  and  ridicule. 

Gomogopos,  who  causes  stomach  troubles,  came,  and  after  dancing 
before  the  rice-mortar,  demanded  that  a  small  pig  be  laid  before  the 
tangpap.  Scarcely  had  the  animal  been  deposited,  when  the  spirit 
seized  a  head-axe  and  cut  it  in  two  at  one  blow.  Then  he  dipped  the 
weapon  in  its  blood  and  applied  it  to  the  stomach  of  each  member  of 
the  family.  "The  pig  is  his  pay,  and  now  he  takes  away  his  kind  of 
sickness." 

The  second  medium  secured  a  live  rooster,  and  using  its  wings  as  a 
brush,  she  took  up  the  blood  and  the  two  halves  of  the  pig,  and  put 
them  in  the  tangpap.  "The  rooster  is  the  spirits'  brush,  and  when  the 
dirt  in  front  of  the  tangpap  is  cleaned  up,  then  the  people  will  be 
clean  and  well  inside  their  bodies."  At  the  command  of  the  medium, 
the  husband  of  the  patient  went  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  tangpap; 
then  she  threw  a  bundle  of  rice  over  the  structure  to  him.  He  caught 
it,  and  immediately  threw  it  back.  This  was  repeated  six  times,  but  on 
the  seventh  the  bundle  lighted  on  the  roof,  where  it  was  allowed  to 
remain.  "The  spirit  threw  away  the  lives  of  the  people,  but  the  man 
returned  them.  The  bundle  is  now  on  the  tangpap,  so  now  the  people's 
lives  will  remain  safe." 

An  unnamed  spirit  was  next  to  appear,  and  at  his  command  the 
fore  part  of  the  pig  was  stood  upright  in  the  winnower,  and  a  stick 
was  placed  in  each  nostril.  These  were  seized  by  the  spirit,  who 
pumped  them  up  and  down,  then  withdrew  them,  and  stroked  each 
member  of  the  family,  while  he  chanted,  "I  did  this  to  your  lives,  so 
now  I  must  do  it  to  you." 

Saking,  a  lame  spirit,  called  for  one  of  the  pig's  legs,  and  with  it 
rubbed  the  limbs  of  each  member  of  the  family,  "so  that  they  will  not 
become  ill  in  their  legs." 

One  of  the  mediums  now  became  possessed  by  Mangamian,  who 
carried  a  feather  which  he  used  as  a  fighting  knife.  The  onlookers 
seized  similar  weapons  and  defended  themselves,  or  drove  the  spirit 
away  by  threatening  him  with  a  small  dog.  A  fire  had  been  built  near 
the  tangpap,  and  from  time  to  time  the  spirit  would  rush  up  to  this, 
thrust  his  feather  into  the  flames,  and  then  put  it  into  his  mouth.  Later 
it  was  explained,  "He  is  an  evil  spirit  who  tries  to  kill  people.  The 
feather  is  his  bolo.    He  is  like  a  blacksmith,  and  when  his  knife  gets 


The  Ceremonies  341 

dull,  he  puts  it  in  the  fire,  then  puts  it  in  his  mouth  to  wet  it,  so 
as  to  make  it  ring."  Three  spirits  now  appeared  in  quick  succession, 
and  discussed  with  the  old  men  the  advisability  of  adopting  the 
Americans1  as  Ipogau.  Finally  the  leader  Ilabdangan  called  them  to 
the*  mat  before  him  and  told  them  their  names,  and  also  recited  a  list 
of  their  relations.  Then,  filling  a  coconut  shell  with  ba si,  he  drank 
half  and  presented  the  shell  to  each  candidate,  who  had  to  drain  it  to 
the  last  drop.  A  circle  was  formed,  and  for  the  balance  of  the  after- 
noon the  new  members  of  the  tribe  had  to  dance  tadek  with  their 
relations. 

Just  before  dusk,  the  Igorot  spirit  Daliwaya,  who  had  been  present 
the  night  before,  appeared  and  demanded  that  the  American  give  her 
cloth  for  her  clout.  When  she  received  this,  she  sang  and  then  in- 
structed the  men  how  to  dance  in  Igorot  fashion.  When  finally  they 
were  doing  her  bidding,  she  danced  beside  them  with  outstretched  arms 
in  the  manner  of  the  Igorot  women.  Later,  when  the  medium  was 
again  herself,  we  questioned  her  concerning  her  knowledge  of  this 
dance,  but  she  professed  absolute  ignorance. 

That  evening  the  people  danced  tadek,  for  a  short  time,  near  to 
the  pala-an,  then  a  fire  was  built  beside  the  tangpap,  and  by  its  light 
the  visitors  danced  da-eng  until  far  into  the  night  (cf.  p.  440). 

Early  the  next  morning,  the  men  went  to  some  banana  trees-  near 
to  a  rice  granary,  and  there  constructed  a  little  spirit  house,  which 
resembled  the  pala-an,  except  that  it  was  only  about  four  feet  high. 
This  was  called  balitang,  and  was  made  in  fulfilment  of  the  orders 
given  by  the  spirit  Imalbi  on  the  previous  evening.  When  it  was 
finished,  the  medium  placed  a  dish  of  broken  rice  on  it,  and  then  tied 
a  rooster  with  a  belt  close  enough,  so  that  the  fowl  could  eat  of  the 
rice.  Returning  to  the  dwelling,  she  took  down  a  small  shield  which 
was  attached  to  the  wall,  placed  new  leaves  and  a  dish  of  oil  on  it. 
Then  as  she  stirred  the  oil,  she  sang  the  Talatal  (Plate  XXXII).  The 
significance  of  this  song,  which  consists  only  of  mentioning  the  names 
of  prominent  men  of  various  villages,  seems  to  be  lost.  The  kalang, 
or  spirit  box,  was  then  redecorated,  food  was  dropped  through  the 
slits  in  the  floor  for  visiting  spirits,  and  finally  the  medium  held  the 
shield  over  the  heads  of  the  family,  beat  upon  it  with  a  head-axe,  while 


1  In  addition  to  the  writer  and  his  wife,  Lieut,  and  Mrs.  H.  B.  Rowell 
were  initiated  at  this  time.  The  Lieutenant  had  long  been  a  friend  and  adviser 
of  the  tribe,  and  was  held  in  great  esteem  by  them.  The  writer's  full  name  was 
Agonan  Dumalawi,  Mrs.  Cole's — Ginobayan  Gimpayan,  Lieut.  Rowell's — 
Andonan   Dogyawi,  and  Mrs.  Rowell's — Gayankayan  Gidonan. 


342  The  Tinguian 

in  a  loud  voice  she  asked  the  spirits  that,  since  the  family  was  now 
celebrating  tangpap,  they  would  please  make  them  well  again.  The 
shield  was  fastened  to  the  wall,  new  offerings  of  basi  were  placed 
in  the  kalang,  and  after  it  had  been  swung  over  the  head  of  the  patient, 
it  was  again  fastened  above  the  house  beam  near  to  the  roof. 

For  the  next  hour  the  mediums  summoned  spirits  to  them.  The  first 
five  had  little  of  interest  to  offer,  except  that  each  demanded  that  his 
liquor  be  served  to  him  on  a  head-axe.  When  the  spirit  Amangau  ar- 
rived, he  spent  the  time  boasting  of  his  head-hunting  exploits;  he  told 
of  how  he  had  gone  to  one  village,  and  had  killed  all  the  people,  except 
one  pregnant  woman,  and  of  the  dance  which  followed.  Finally  he 
claimed  the  credit  of  having  killed  a  man  who  had  recently  died  in 
Manabo,  and  assured  the  people  that  his  friends  were  then  dancing 
about  the  head.  The  spirit  Banbanyalan,  who  followed,  disclaimed 
any  part  in  the  killing  just  mentioned,  but  verified  the  statement  of 
his  predecessor. 

Tomakdeg  came,  and  after  filling  his  mouth  with  rice,  blew  it  out 
over  the  people,  in  the  same  way  that  the  sickness  was  to  be  spit  out. 
Meanwhile  Bebeka-an,  armed  with  a  wooden  spoon,  tried  to  dig  up 
the  floor  and  the  people  on  it,  "for  that  is  the  way  she  digs  up  sick- 
ness." Awa-an,  a  spirit  of  the  water,  came  to  inform  the  people  that 
the  spirit  of  a  man  recently  drowned  was  just  passing  the  house.  Every- 
thing else  was  abandoned  for  a  few  moments,  while  basi  was  poured 
out  of  the  window,  so  that  the  dead  might  receive  drink. 

Two  female  spirits,  Dalimayawan  and  Ginlawan,  came  at  the  same 
time  and  danced  together,  while  they  informed  the  people  of  their 
beauty  and  their  expertness  in  dancing.  Suddenly  they  stopped,  and 
said  that  Andayau,  the  mother  of  Lakgangan,  was  near  by ;  then  they 
instructed  the  host  that  he  should  wrap  a  gourd  in  a  cloth  and  tell 
Andayau  that  it  was  her  son's  head,  and  that  he  had  been  killed,  because 
he  had  stolen  carabao.  Scarcely  had  the  two  visitors  departed,  when 
the  mother  appeared,  and  being  informed  of  her  son's  death,  she  began 
to  wail,  "He  is  lost.  No  one  works  the  fields,  where  we  planted  cala- 
basa.  Lakgangan  is  lost,  he  who  has  been  killed.  Why  did  you  go  to 
steal  carabao  ?  We  have  put  Lakgangan  in  a  hammock  ;  we  take  him  to 
Tomakdang.  The  basi  put  out  for  Lakgangan  is  good.  He  is  lost 
whom  they  went  to  kill.  Lakgangan  is  lost.  We  take  him  to  Tomak- 
dang." 

The  song  was  interrupted  by  a  head-hunting  spirit,  who  demanded 
the  heads  of  two  visiting  girls  from  Patok,  but  she  finally  went  away 
satisfied  with  a  piece  of  cloth  which  they  gave  her.    Blood  and  oil  were 


The  Ceremonies  343 

sprinkled  liberally  over  the  ground  and  the  gathering  broken  up  for 
the  morning. 

All  the  forenoon,  a  small  group  of  men  and  women,  had  been 
constructing  a  small  covered  bamboo  raft,  and  had  placed  in  it  a  sack 
of  rice,  which  had  been  contributed  by  all  the  people.1 

By  four  o'clock  a  large  number  of  people  had  gathered  in  the 
yard  near  the  house,  and  soon  the  spirit  mats  were  spread  on  an 
old  bedstead,  and  the  mediums  started  again  to  summon  the  superior 
beings.  The  first  two  to  appear  were  Esteban  from  Cagayan  and  Maria 
from  Spain.  They  wore  gay  handkerchiefs  about  their  shoulders,  and 
when  they  danced,  gave  an  imitation  of  the  Spanish  dances  now  seen 
among  the  Christianized  natives  of  the  coast.  It  was  quite  evident 
that  these  foreign  spirits  were  not  popular  with  the  people,  and  they 
were  distinctly  relieved  when  Mananako  replaced  them.  This  spirit 
has  the  reputation  of  being  a  thief,  and  the  guests  had  great  sport 
preventing  him  from  stealing  the  gifts  intended  for  other  spirits. 

In  the  midst  of  this  revelry,  the  other  medium  was  suddenly  pos- 
sessed by  Kadaklan — the  supreme  being.  The  laughter  and  jesting 
ceased,  and  breathlessly  the  people  listened,  while  the  most  powerful 
being  said,  "I  am  Kadaklan.  Here  in  this  town  where  I  talk,  you 
must  do  the  things  you  ought  to  do.  I  hear  what  you  say  you  desire, 
and  I  see  what  you  are  able  to  do.  Something  ill  will  befall  you  unless 
you  quickly  pelebrate  Sagobay  (cf.  p.  324),  when  there  are  no  strangers 
or  Christians  in  your  town.  Where  is  the  basi  which  should  have 
been  in  the  place  where  I  first  came?2  Without  awaiting  an  answer 
he  vanished,  and  his  wife  AgEmEm  took  his  place  and  repeated  his 
remarks  with  little  variation. 

Sopo,  a  gambler,  next  appeared  and  tossed  handfuls  of  coins  into 
a  blanket.  He  stated  that  if  heads  came  up,  the  people  won  and  would 
have  good  health,  but  if  they  lost,  their  lives  were  his.  As  soon  as  he 
threw,  the  people  rushed  up,  and  if  they  saw  any  tails  they  were  quickly 
turned,  and  the  spirit  was  informed  that  he  had  lost. 

Klmat,  lightning,  came  and  demanded  a  drink,  which  was  given. 
As  he  is  usually  considered  as  a  dog,  the  writer  inquired  why  he  had 
appeared  as  a  man,  but  was  rewarded  only  by  a  shrug  of  the  shoulders 
and  the  word — kadauyan  ("custom"). 

1This  raft  is  the  Taltalabong,  and  is  intended  for  the  sons  and  servants  of 
Kadaklan. 

2  It  is  customary  to  place  a  jar  of  basi  under  or  near  the  house,  so  that 
Kadaklan  may  drink,  before  he  reaches  the  function.  This  offering  had  been 
neglected,  hence  his  complaint. 


344  The  Tinguian 

Another  spirit,  Andeles,  quickly  replaced  lightning,  and  with  Sopo 
danced  on  the  spirit  raft,  while  the  old  men  put  dishes  of  water  and 
coins  inside,  and  fastened  a  small  live  chicken  to  the  roof.  The  people 
then  tried  to  induce  the  spirits  to  leave,  but  they  refused.  Suddenly 
they  were  flung  aside,  and  two  strong  men  seized  the  raft  and  started 
to  run  with  it.  Immediately  the  two  spirits  gave  chase  and  fought 
viciously  all  who  tried  to  get  in  their  way,  but  when,  finally,  their  op- 
ponents were  joined  by  an  old  woman  carrying  a  bundle  of  burning 
rice  straw  and  an  old  man  beating  a  drum,  they  gave  up  the  chase 
and  vanished.  The  party  proceeded  on  to  the  Abra  river,  where  they 
waded  out  into  deep  water  and  set  the  raft  afloat  (Plate  XXVI). 

That  evening  the  guests  danced  da-eng,  and  the  ceremony  was  over. 

Throughout  the  three  days,  the  mediums  had  been  constantly  drink- 
ing of  basi,  and  while  under  the  strain  of  the  ceremony,  they  had  not 
appeared  intoxicated,  but  at  its  conclusion  both  were  hopelessly  drunk. 
The  payment  for  the  service  was  one  half  of  the  largest  pig,  unthreshed 
rice,  and  about  two  pesos  in  money,  which  was  given  in  exchange  for 
the  beads  which  different  spirits  had  demanded. 

Kalangan. — In  Manabo  and  the  villages  of  that  vicinity  a  period 
of  about  seven  years  elapses  between  the  building  of  tangpap  and  the 
celebration  of  Kalangan,  but  in  most  of  the  valley  towns  the  latter 
ceremony  follows  Pala-an  after  two  or  three  years.1  The  ceremony 
is  so  similar  to  the  Tangpap  just  described  that  only  the  barest  outline 
will  be  given  here.  The  chief  difference  in  the  two  is  the  type  of 
structure  built  for  the  spirits.  Kalangan  has  four  supporting  timbers 
to  which  the  flooring  is  lashed,  and  from  which  kingposts  go  to  ridge 
poles.  A  bamboo  frame  rests  on  this  and,  in  turn,  supports  an  over- 
hanging grass  roof   (Plate  XXIII). 

The  procedure  is  as  follows  :  Late  in  the  afternoon,  all  the  necessary 
articles  are  brought  to  the  house,  then  the  mediums  dance  for  a  time 
to  the  music  of  the  tongatong.  Basi  is  served  to  the  guests,  and  for 
an  hour  or  more  the  spirits  are  summoned.  Next  morning  the  kalangan 
is  built,  and  two  pigs  are  sacrificed  beside  it.  Their  blood  mixed  with 
oil  is  offered  to  the  spirits,  and  many  acts,  such  as  distributing  the  rice 
into  ten  dishes  and  then  replacing  it  in  the  original  container,  the 
churning  of  sticks  in  the  nose  of  a  slaughtered  animal  and  the  like, 
are  performed.  Spirits  are  summoned  in  the  afternoon,  and  in  the 
evening  da-eng  is  danced.    On  the  third  day  new  offerings  are  placed 

1  This  is  the  case  if  a  person  is  just 'acquiring  the  right  to  the  ceremony. 
If  the  family  is  already  privileged  to  give  this  rite,  it  will  occur  in  about  three 
years,  and  Sayang  will  follow  some  four  years  later. 


The  Ceremonies  345 

on  the  spirit  shield  and  hanger ;  offerings  are  made  at  the  new  structure, 
numerous  spirits  appear,  talk  to  and  amuse  the  people,  and  finally 
da-eng  is  danced  until  late  evening. 

Following  the  ceremony,  all  members  of  the  family  are  barred  from 
work  for  about  one  month.  They  may  not  eat  the  meat  of  the  wild 
carabao,  wild  hog,  beef,  eels,  nor  may  they  use  peppers  in  their  food. 
Wild  fowl  are  barred  for  a  period  of  one  year. 

Kalangan  is  much  more  widespread  than  either  Tangpap  or  the 
Sayang  ceremony,  and  this  spirit  structure  is  often  found  in  villages, 
where  the  other  great  ceremonies  are  lacking. 

Sayang. — The  greatest  of  all  the  ceremonies  is  the  Sayang,  the 
ability  to  celebrate  which  proclaims  the  family  as  one  of  wealth  and 
importance.  In  most  cases  the  right  is  hereditary,  but,  as  already  in- 
dicated, a  person  may  gain  the  privilege  by  giving,  in  order,  and 
through  a  term  of  years,  all  the  minor  ceremonies.  In  such  circum- 
stances Sayang  follows  Kalangan  after  a  lapse  of  from  four  to  eight 
years.  Otherwise  the  ceremony  will  be  held  about  once  in  seven  years, 
or  when  the  spirit  structure  known  as  balaua  is  in  need  of  repairs. 

Originally  this  appears  to  have  been  a  seventeen-day  ceremony, 
as  it  still  is  in  Manabo,  Patok,  Lagangilang,  and  neighboring  villages, 
but  in  San  Juan,  Lagayan,  Danglas,  and  some  other  settlements  it  now 
lasts  only  five  or  seven  days.  However,  even  in  those  towns  where 
it  occupies  full  time,  the  first  twelve  days  are  preliminary  in  nature. 

On  the  first  day,  the  mediums  go  to  the  family  dwelling  and  take 
great  pains  to  see  that  all  forbidden  articles  are  removed,  for  wild 
ginger,  peppers,  shrimps,  carabao  flesh,  and  wild  pork  are  tabooed, 
both  during  the  ceremony  and  for  the  month  following.  The  next 
duty  is  to  construct  a  woven  bamboo  frame  known  as  talapitap  on 
which  the  spirits  are  fed,  and  to  prepare  two  sticks  known  as 
dakidak,  one  being  a  thin  slender  bamboo  called  bolo,  the  other  a  reed. 
These  are  split  at  one  end,  so  they  will  rattle  when  struck  on  the 
ground,  and  thus  call  the  attention  of  the  spirit  for  whom  food  is 
placed  on  the  rack. 

That  evening  a  fire  is  built  in  the  yard,  and  beside  it  the  mediums 
dance  da-eng  alone.  Meanwhile  a  number  of  women  gather  in  the 
yard  and  pound  rice  out  of  the  straw.  This  pounding  of  rice  continues 
each  evening  of  the  first  five  days.  The  first  night  they  beat  out  ten 
bundles,  the  second,  twenty,  and  so  on,  until  they  clean  fifty  on  the 
fifth  day. 

Little  occurs  during  the  second  and  third  days,  but  on  these  even- 
ings the  young  men  and  girls  join  the  mediums  and  dance  da-eng  by 


346  The  Tinguian 

the  fire  in  the  yard.  The  fourth  and  fifth  nights  are  known  as  ginltbEt 
("dark"),  for  then  no  fires  are  lighted,  and  the  mediums  dance  alone. 
It  is  supposed  that  the  black  spirits,  those  who  are  deformed,  or  who 
are  too  shy  to  appear  before  the  people,  will  come  out  at  this  time  and 
enjoy  the  ceremony. 

Beginning  with  the  sixth  day  the  women  pound  rice  in  the  early 
morning.  Starting  with  ten  bundles,  they  increase  the  number  by  ten 
each  day  until  on  the  thirteenth  morning  they  pound  out  eighty  bundles. 
A  fire  is  lighted  in  the  yard  on  the  sixth  day,  and  is  kept  burning  con- 
tinuously through  the  eighth,  but  the  ninth  and  tenth  are  nights  of 
darkness.  When  the  fire  is  burning,  it  is  a  sign  for  all  who  wish,  to 
come  and  dance,  and  each  evening  finds  a  jolly  party  of  young  people 
gathered  in  the  yard,  where  they  take  part  in  the  festivities,  or  watch 
the  mediums,  as  they  offer  rice  to  the  superior  beings. 

On  the  eleventh  day,  a  long  white  blanket  (tabing)  is  stretched 
across  one  corner  of  the  room,  making  a  private  compartment  for  the 
use  of  visiting  spirits.  That  evening,  as  it  grows  dark,  a  jar  of  basi  is 
carried  up  into  the  house.  All  lights  are  extinguished  both  in  the  yard 
and  the  dwelling,  so  that  the  guests  have  to  grope  their  way  about. 
After  the  liquor  is  consumed,  they  go  down  into  the  yard,  where,  in 
darkness,  they  join  the  medium  in  dancing  da-eng.  The  twelfth  day  is 
known  as  Pasa-ad — "the  building."  During  the  preliminary  days,  the 
men  have  been  bringing  materials  for  use  in  constructing  the  great 
spirit-house  called  balaua,  and  on  this  morning  the  actual  work  is 
started.  In  form  the  balaua  resembles  the  kalangan,  but  it  is  large 
enough  to  accommodate  a  dozen  or  more  people,  and  the  supporting 
posts  are  trunks  of  small  trees  (Plate  XXI).  After  the  framework 
is  complete,  one  side  of  the  roof  is  covered  with  cogon  grass,  but  the 
other  is  left  incomplete.  Meanwhile  the  women  gather  near  by  and 
pound  rice  in  the  ceremonial  manner  described  in  the  Pala-an  cere- 
mony (cf.  p.  329). 

As  soon  as  the  building  is  over  for  the  day,  a  jar  of  basi  is  carried 
into  the  structure,  a  little  of  the  liquor  is  poured  into  bamboo  tubes 
and  tied  to  each  of  the  corner  poles.  The  balance  of  the  liquor  is  then 
served  to  the  men  who  sit  in  the  balaua  and  play  on  copper  gongs. 
Next,  a  bound  pig  is  brought  in,  and  is  tied  to  a  post  decorated  with 
leaves  and  vines.  Soon  the  medium  appears,  and  after  placing  prepared 
betel-nut  and  lime  on  the  animal,  she  squats  beside  it,  dips  her  fingers 
into  coconut  oil,  and  strokes  its  side,  then  later  dips  a  miniature  head- 
axe  into  the  oil,  and  again  strokes  the  animal,  while  she  repeats  a  diam. 
This  is  a  recital  of  how  in  ancient  times  Kadaklan  and  AgEmEn  in- 


The  Ceremonies  347 

structed  the  Tinguian  as  to  the  proper  method  of  celebrating  the 
Sayang  ceremony.1  A  little  later  the  pig  is  removed  from  the  balaua, 
and  its  throat  is  cut,  first  with  a  metal  blade,  but  the  deep,  mortal 
thrust  is  made  with  a  bamboo  spike.  The  animal  is  then  singed,  but 
its  blood  is  carefully  saved  for  future  use  (Plate  XXXIII).  While 
all  this  is  taking  place,  the  men  in  the  balaua  drink  basi  and  sing  dalengs- 
in  which  they  praise  the  liberality  of  their  hosts,  tell  of  the  importance 
of  the  family,  and  express  hope  for  their  continued  prosperity.  As  they 
sing,  the  chief  medium  goes  from  one  to  another  of  the  guests,  and 
after  dipping  a  piece  of  lead  in  coconut  oil,  holds  it  to  their  nostrils 
as  a  protection  against  evil.  When  finally  the  pig  has  been  singed  and 
scraped,  it  is  again  brought  into  the  balaua,  and  its  body  is  opened 
by  a  transverse  cut  at  the  throat  and  two  slits  lengthwise  of  its  abdo- 
men. The  intestines  are  removed  and  placed  in  a  tray,  but  the  liver 
is  carefully  examined  for  an  omen.  If  the  signs  are  favorable,  the 
liver  is  cooked  and  is  cut  up,  a  part  is  eaten  by  the  old  men,  and  the 
balance  is  attached  to  the  corner  pole  of  the  spirit  structure.  The 
head,  one  thigh,  and  two  legs  are  laid  on  a  crossbeam  for  the  spirits, 
after  which  the  balance  of  the  meat  is  cooked  and  served  with  rice  to 
the  guests.  That  evening  many  friends  gather  in  the  yard  to  dance 
da-eng,  to  drink  basi,  or  to  sing  daleng.  According  to  tradition,  it  was 
formerly  the  custom  to  send  golden  betel-nuts  to  invite  guests  whom 
they  wished  especially  to  honor.2  Nowadays  one  or  more  leading  men 
from  other  villages  may  be  especially  invited  by  being  presented  with 
a  bit  of  gold,  a  golden  earring  or  bead.  When  such  a  one  arrives  at 
the  edge  of  the  yard,  he  is  placed  in  a  chair,  is  covered  with  a  blanket, 
and  is  carried  to  the  center  of  the  dancing  space  by  a  number  of 
women  singing  dlwas  (cf.  p.  452).  At  frequent  intervals  the  merry- 
making is  interrupted  by  one  of  the  mediums  who  places  the  talapitap 
on  the  ground,  puts  rice  and  water  on  it,  and  then  summons  the  spirits 
with  the  split  sticks.  Once  during  the  evening,  she  places  eight  dishes 
and  two  coconut  shells  of  water  on  the  rack.  Reaching  into  one  of 
the  dishes  which  contains  rice,  she  takes  out  a  handful  and  transfers  it, 
a  little  at  a  time,  into  each  of  the  others,  then  extracing  a  few  grains 
from  each,  she  throws  it  on  the  ground  and  sprinkles  it  with  water 
from  the  two  cups.  The  remaining  rice  is  returned  to  the  original 
holder,  and  the  act  is  repeated  eight  times.  The  significance  of  this 
seems  to  be  the  same  as  in  the  Tangpap  ceremony,  where  the  life  of 

1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  I,  p.  171. 

2  See  ibid.,  p.  24. 


348  The  Tinguian 

the  individual  is  symbolized  by  the  rice,  which  is  only  partially  taken 
away  and  is  again  returned.  The  next  act  is  always  carried  out,  but 
its  meaning  appears  to  be  lost.  The  eight  dishes  are  filled  with  rice, 
and  are  placed  on  the  frame  together  with  sixteen  coconut  shells  of 
water,  and  eight  men  and  eight  women  seat  themselves  on  opposite 
sides.  First  they  eat  a  little  of  the  food,  then  taking  a  small  amount 
in  their  fingers,  they  dip  it  into  the  water  and  place  it  in  the  mouth  of 
the  person  opposite. 

The  fourteenth  day  is  known  as  Palay-lay — "the  seasoning" — and 
during  the  next  twenty-four  hours  the  people  remain  quietly  in  the 
village  while  the  bamboo  used  in  the  balaua  "becomes  good." 

Next  day  is  one  of  great  activity.  The  roofing  of  the  balaua  is 
completed,  all  necessary  repairs  are  made  to  the  dwelling,  for  dire 
results  would  follow  should  any  part  of  the  house  break  through  dur- 
ing the  concluding  days  of  the  ceremony.  The  balance  of  the  day  is 
taken  up  in  dancing  and  in  the  construction  of  the  following  spirit- 
houses  :  the  Aligang,  Balabago,  Talagan,  Idasan,  Balag,  Batog,  Alalot, 
Pangkew  and  Sogayob  (cf.  pp.  308-31!).  Also  a  little  bench  is  built 
near  the  hearth,  and  on  it  are  placed  coconut  shell  cups  and  drinks  for 
the  use  of  the  Igorot  spirits  who  usually  come  this  night. 

The  evening  of  this  day  is  known  as  Lxbon— "plenty"  or  "abund- 
ance." Toward  nightfall  the  mediums,  and  their  helpers  enter  the  dwell- 
ing and  decorate  it  in  a  manner  already  described  for  the  great  cere- 
monies. Cords  cross  the  room  from  opposite  corners  and  beneath,  where 
they  meet,  the  medium's  mat  is  spread.  On  the  cords  are  hung  grasses, 
flowers,  girdles,  and  wreaths  of  young  coconut  leaves.  When  all  is 
ready,  a  small  pig  is  brought  into  the  room,  while  the  men  play  frantic- 
ally on  their  gongs  and  drums.  On  the  medium's  mat  are  many  articles, 
alangtln  leaves,  a  rooster,  a  branch  filled  with  young  betel-nuts,  cooked 
rice  moulded  into  the  form  of  an  alligator,  but  with  a  wax  head  and 
seeds  for  eyes,  a  spear,  and  a  bundle  of  rice  straw.  Taking  up  a  dish 
of  water,  the  medium  pours  a  part  of  it  into  the  pig's  ear;  then,  as  the 
animal  shakes  its  head,  she  again  catches  it  in  the  dish.  Rolling  up  a 
mat,  she  dips  it  into  the  water,  and  with  it  touches  the  heads  of  all 
members  of  the  family,  for  in  the  same  manner  that  the  pig  has  thrown 
the  water  out  of  its  ear,  so  in  a  like  fashion  will  illness  and  misfortune 
be  thrown  from  all  the  family  who  have  been  sprinkled  with  it.  This 
act  finished,  the  medium  dances  before  the  doors  and  windows,  while 
she  waves  the  chicken,  betel-nuts,  or  other  objects  taken  from  the  mat. 

At  her  invitation,  the  host  and  his  wife  join  her,  but  previously  they 
have  dressed  themselves  in  good  garments,  and  on  their  heads  and  at 


The  Ceremonies  349 

their  waists  they  wear  girdles  and  wreaths  of  alangtln,  or  wild  grasses. 
The  host  is  handed  a  long  knife,  and  is  instructed  to  cut  the  throat 
of  the  "pig.  His  wife  takes  a  rice  winnower  and  a  stick,  and  going  to 
each  window  strikes  the  winnower  five  times,  then  drops  it  to  the 
floor,  at  the  same  time  crying,  "Wa-hui."  Next,  she  strikes  a  jar  of 
liquor  with  the  winnower,  then  shakes  a  coconut  shell  filled  with  rice 
against  her  abdomen;  when  finished  she  is  handed  a  live  chicken  and 
again  she  approaches  the  jar.  Soon  she  is  joined  by  her  husband,  armed 
with  a  spear  and  head-axe.  As  he  passes  the  liquor,  he  stamps  on  the 
ground,  while  his  wife  waves  the  fowl,  and  all  this  time  the  medium 
continues  to  sprinkle  them  with  a  grass  brush  dipped  in  water.  No 
explanation  is  given  for  the  individual  acts,  but  the  purpose  of  the 
whole  is  to  drive  away  sickness,  "just  as  the  rooster  flaps  his  wings." 
Ten  dishes  are  placed  on  the  spirit  mat,  and  as  the  medium  sings,  she 
touches  each  one  in  turn  with  a  split  bamboo ;  after  which  she  piles  the 
dishes  up  and  has  the  host  come  and  squat  over  them  three  times. 
Another  sprinkling  with  water  follows  this  act,  and  then  the  medium 
swings  a  bundle  of  rice  and  a  lighted  torch  over  the  head  of  each 
member  of  the  family,  while  she  assures  them  that  all  evil  spirits  will 
now  depart. 

The  guests  go  down  to  the  yard,  where  they  are  served  with  liquor, 
and  where  they  dance  da-eng  and  tadek.  On  all  former  occasions,  the 
liquor  has  been  served  in  shell  cups,  but  on  this  night  a  sort  of  pan- 
pipe, made  of  bamboo  tubes,  is  filled  with  liquor.  The  guest  drinks 
from  the  lowest  of  the  series,  and  as  he  does  so,  the  liquor  falls  from 
one  to  another,  so  that  he  really  drinks  from  all  at  one  time.  Bamboo 
tubes  attached  to  poles  by  means  of  cords  are  likewise  filled  with  basi 
and  served  to  the  dancers. 

While  the  others  are  enjoying  themselves,  the  mediums  and  the 
hosts  are  attending  strictly  to  the  business  in  hand.  Dressed  in  their 
best  garments,  the  husband  and  wife  go  to  each  one  of  the  spirit  houses, 
and  touch  them  with  their  feet,  a  circuit  which  has  to  be  repeated  ten 
times.  Each  time  as  they  pass  the  little  porch-like  addition,  known  as 
sogayob,  the  mediums  sprinkle  them  with  water.  When  they  have  com- 
pleted their  task,  the  mediums  spread  a  mat  in  front  of  the  pig,  which 
lies  below  the  sogayob,  and  on  it  they  dance,  pausing  now  and  then  to 
give  the  animal  a  vicious  kick  or  to  throw  broken  rice  over  it.  And  so 
the  night  is  passed  without  sleep  or  rest  for  any  of  the  principals  in 
the  ceremony. 

The  sixteenth  day  is  Kadaklan, — "the  greatest."  Soon  after  day- 
break, the  people  accompany  the  medium  to  the  guardian  stones  near 


350  The  Tinguian 

the  gate  of  the  village,  and  watch  her  in  silence,  while  she  anoints 
the  head  of  each  stone  with  oil,  and  places  a  new  yellow  bark  band 
around  its  "neck."  As  soon  as  she  finishes,  the  musicians  begin  to  play 
vigorously  on  their  gongs  and  drums,  while  two  old  men  kill  a  small 
pig  and  collect  its  blood.  The  carcass  is  brought  to  the  medium,  who 
places  it  beside  four  dishes,  one  filled  with  basi,  one  with  salt,  one 
with  vinegar,  and  the  last  with  the  pig's  blood.  She  drinks  of  the 
liquor,  dips  her  fingers  in  coconut  oil,  and  strokes  the  pig's  stomach, 
after  which  it  is  cut  up  in  the  usual  manner.  The  liver  is  studied 
eagerly,  for  by  the  markings  on  it  the  fate  of  the  host  can  be  foretold. 
Should  the  signs  be  unfavorable,  a  chicken  will  be  sacrificed  in  the 
hope  that  the  additional  offering  may  induce  the  spirits  to  change  their 
verdict;  but  if  the  omens  are  good,  the  ceremony  proceeds  without  a 
halt.  The  intestines  and  some  pieces  of  meat  are  placed  on  the  ansi- 
silit, — a  small  spirit  frame  or  table  near  the  stones.  The  host, 
who  has  been  watching  from  a  distance,  is  summoned,  and  is  given  a 
piece  of  the  flesh  to  take  back  to  his  house  for  food,  and  then  the  rest 
of  the  meat  is  cooked  and  served  to  the  guests.  But  before  anything 
is  eaten,  the  medium  places  prepared  betel-nuts  before  the  stones,  mixes 
blood  with  rice,  and  scatters  it  broadcast,  meanwhile  calling  the  spirits 
from  near  and  far  to  come  and  eat,  and  to  go  with  her  to  the  village, 
where  she  is  to  continue  the  ceremony.  As  the  company  approaches  the 
balaua,  the  musicians  begin  to  beat  on  their  gongs,  while  women  in  the 
yard  pound  rice  in  ceremonial  fashion.  When  they  have  finished,  the 
family  goes  up  into  the  balaua  and  dances  to  the  music  of  the  gongs 
until  the  medium  bids  them  stop. 

The  pig  which  has  been  lying  in  front  of  the  sogayob,  and  an- 
other from  the  yard,  are  killed,  and  are  laid  side  by  side  near  to  the 
balaua  in  a  spot  indicated  by  the  medium.  She  places  a  bamboo  tube 
of  water  between  them,  on  their  backs  she  lays  several  pieces  of  pre- 
pared betel-nut,  then  strokes  their  sides  with  oiled  fingers.  Her  next 
duty  is  to  sprinkle  basi  from  the  jar  onto  the  ground  with  a  small 
head-axe,  at  the  same  time  calling  the  spirits  to  come  and  drink. 
(Plate  XXXIV).  A  bundle  which  has  been  lying  beside  the  animals 
is  opened,  and  from  it  the  medium  takes  a  red  and  yellow  headband 
with  chicken  feathers  attached,  and  boar's  tusk  armlets.  These  she 
places  "on  the  host,  then  hands  him  a  blanket.  Holding  the  latter  in 
his  outstretched  arms,  as  he  would  do  if  dancing  tadek,  he  squats 
repeatedly  over  a  dish  of  water.  As  he  finishes,  the  medium  takes  the 
tube  of  water  from  between  the  pigs,  and  pouring  a  little  of  it  on  her 
hand,  she  applies  it  to  the  abdomen  of  the  man's  wife  and  children. 


The  Ceremonies  351 

The  animals  are  now  cooked  in  yard,  while  a  quantity  of  rice  is 
made  ready  in  the  house.  During  the  preparation  of  the  meal,  the 
musicians  play  incessantly,  but  as  the  food  is  brought  out,  they  cease 
and  join  the  others  in  the  feast. 

It  is  late  in  the  afternoon  before  much  activity  is  again  manifest. 
At  first  a  few  gather  and  begin  to  dance  tadek;  little  by  little  others 
come  in  until  by  nightfall  the  yard  is  full.  Basi  is  served  to  all,  and 
soon,  above  the  noisy  laughter  of  the  crowd,  is  heard  the  voice  of 
some  leading  man  singing  the  daleng.  The  visitors  listen  respectfully 
to  the  song  and  to  the  reply,  then  resume  the  music  and  dancing.  After 
a  time  a  huge  fire  is  built  in  the  yard,  and  by  the  flickering  light  two 
lines  of  boys  and  girls  or  older  people  will  form  to  sing  and  dance 
the  daeng} 

On  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth  day,  the  men  kill  two  pigs, 
usually  by  chasing  them  through  the  brush  and  spearing  them  to  death. 
They  are  prepared  in  the  usual  way,  and  are  placed,  one  in  the  balaua, 
the  other  in  the  sogayob,  where  they  are  cut  up.  A  bit  of  the  flesh  is 
left  in  each  structure,  the  fore  half  of  one  animal  is  carried  into  the 
yard,  but  the  rest  is  prepared  for  food. 

On  an  inverted  rice-mortar,  in  the  yard,  is  placed  a  jar  of  basi, 
notched  chicken  feathers,  and  boar's  tusks.  The  man  and  his  wife  are 
summoned  before  this,  are  decorated  as  on  the  day  before,  and  are  in- 
structed to  dance  three  times  around  the  mortar.  While  this  is  going 
on,  a  shield  and  a  rice  winnower  are  leaned  against  each  other  so  as 
to  form  an  arch  on  which  lies  a  sheaf  of  rice.  From  the  middle  hangs 
a  piece  of  burning  wood,  while  over  all  a  fish  net  is  thrown.  As  in  a 
former  ceremony  (cf.  p.  347),  the  rice  and  fire  represent  the  life  of 
some  member  of  the  family,  which  the  evil  spirits  may  desire  to  seize, 
but  they  are  prevented,  since  they  are  unable  to  pass  through  the 
meshes  of  the  net.  Going  to  the  half  of  the  pig,  which  stands  up- 
right in  a  rice  winnower,  the  medium  places  a  string  of  beads — agate 
and  gold — around  its  neck  and  attaches  bits  of  gold  to  its  legs.  Then 
she  places  a  thin  stick  in  each  nostril  and  pumps  them  alternately  up 
and  down,  as  a  smith  would  work  his  forge.  After  a  little  she  removes 
the  plungers,  and  with  them  strokes  the  bodies  of  members  of  the 
family.  Near  to  the  pig  stands  a  dish  of  water  in  which  the  heart 
is  lying.  The  host  goes  to  this,  removes  the  heart,  and  placing  it  on 
his  head-axe,  takes  it  in  front  of  the  animal,  where  it  lies,  while  he 
pumps  the  nostril-sticks  up  and  down  ten  times.     Meanwhile  his  wife 

1  In  Patok,  diwas  is  sung  as  a  part  of  da-eng  on  the  night  of  Llbon. 


352  The  Tinguian 

is  decorated  with  wreathes  of  leaves  and  vines ;  a  leaf  containing  the 
pig's  tail  and  some  of  the  flesh  is  placed  on  her  head,  and  a  spear  is 
put  in  her  left  hand.  As  her  husband  completes  his  task,  she  goes  to 
the  mortar,  where  she  finds  one  dish  full  of  blood  and  rice  and  the 
empty  coconut  shells.  The  rice  and  blood  represent  the  lives  of  the 
family,  and  following  the  instructions  of  the  medium,  she  takes  these 
lives  and  places  them  little  by  little  on  the  shells,  but  before  all  is  gone, 
the  medium  bids  her  return  them  to  the  big  dish.  In  a  like  manner 
the  spirits  may  take  a  part  of  the  life  of  the  family,  but  will  return 
it  again.  This  act  is  repeated  ten  times.  Next  she  takes  a  piece  of 
woven  bamboo,  shaped  like  two  triangles  set  end  on  end  l,  and  goes 
to  the  batog,  where  her  daughter  sits  under  a  fish-net  holding  a  similar 
"shield."  They  press  these  together,  and  the  mother  returns  to  the 
mortar  eight  times.  The  mediums  who  have  gathered  beneath  the 
sogayob  begin  to  sing,  while  one  of  them  beats  time  with  a  split  bamboo 
stick.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  song,  one  of  them  offers  basi  to  the 
spirits  and  guests,  and  then  placing  a  bundle  of  green  leaves  on  the 
ground,  she  pours  water  over  it,  while  the  host  and  his  wife  are  made 
to  tramp  in  the  mud.  The  man  is  now  carrying  the  spear,  while  the 
woman  holds  a  cock  in  one  hand,  and  an  empty  dish  in  the  other.  As 
they  are  stamping  on  the  damp  leaves,  old  women  stand  near  by  show- 
ering them  with  rice  and  water. 

Since  early  morning  a  dog  has  been  tied  at  the  end  of  the  house. 
It  is  now  brought  up  to  the  bundle  of  leaves,  and  is  knocked  on  the 
head  with  a  club,  its  throat  is  cut,  and  some  of  its  blood  is  applied 
with  a  head-axe  to  the  backs  of  the  man  and  woman.  More  water  is 
poured  on  the  bundle,  again  they  tramp  in  the  mud,  and  again  they  are 
showered  with  rice  and  water.  The  man  goes  to  one  side  of  the  balaua, 
and  throws  a  bundle  of  rice  over  it  to  his  wife,  who  returns  it  eight 
times. 

A  strange  procession  now  forms  and  winds  its  way  to  the  stream. 
In  the  lead  is  the  host  armed  with  spear,  shield,  and  head-axe;  next 
comes  the  medium  carrying  the  bamboo  rack — talapitap — like  a  shield, 
and  the  split  bamboo — dakidak — as  a  spear ;  next  is  an  old  woman  with 
a  coconut  shell  dish,  then  another  with  a  bundle  of  burning  rice  straw ; 
behind  her  is  the  wife  followed  by  a  man  who  drags  the  dead  dog. 
They  stop  outside  of  the  village,  while  the  medium  hides  the  rack 
and  split  bamboo  near  the  trail.  Soon  the  man  with  the  dog  leaves 
the  line  and  drags  the  animal  to  a  distant  tree,  where  he  ties  it  in  the 

1  This  is  the  same  form  as  the  "shield,"  which  hangs  above  the  newborn 
infant  (p.  312). 


The  Ceremonies  353 

branches.  As  they  arrive  at  the  stream,  the  people  pause,  while  the 
medium  holds  the  shell  cup  beside  the  burning  straw,  and  recites  a 
dlam.  The  writer  tried  on  two  occasions  to  get  this  dtam,  but  it  was 
given  so  low  and  indistinctly  that  its  full  content  was  not  secured, 
neither  was  it  possible  to  get  the  medium  to  repeat  it  after  the  cere- 
mony. From  what  was  heard  it  seems  probable  it  is  the  dazvak  dlam* 
a  guess  made  more  probable  by  the  killing  of  the  dog  and  the  bathing 
which  follows.  As  soon  as  the  medium  finishes,  the  whole  party  dis- 
robes and  bathes. 

Upon  their  return  to  the  village,  they  are  met  by  a  company  of 
men  and  boys  who  assail  them  by  throwing  small  green  nuts.  The 
host  secures  the  spirit  rack  which  the  medium  had  hidden,  and  with 
it  attempts  to  ward  off  the  missiles.  Despite  this  show  of  hostility, 
the  company  proceeds  to  the  sogayob,  where  the  man  and  his  wife 
wash  their  faces  in  water  containing  pieces  of  coconut  leaves.  Dur- 
ing all  the  morning  a  number  of  women  have  been  preparing  food, 
and  this  is  now  served  to  the  guests,  a  considerable  company  of  whom 
have  collected.  Late  in  the  afternoon,  all  the  spirits  are  remembered 
in  a  great  offering  of  food.  A  framework  is  constructed  in  the  yard,2 
and  on  it  are  placed  eggs,  meat,  fish,"  rice  cakes,  sugar,  betel-nut, 
tobacco,  basi,  and  rice  mixed  with  blood.  After  allowing  the  superior 
beings  a  few  moments  to  finish  their  repast,  the  viands  are  removed, 
and  from  then  until  sunset  all  the  guests  dance  tadek.  As  darkness 
comes,  a  great  fire  is  lighted  in  the  yard,  and  within  the  circle  of  its 
light  the  company  gathers,  while  the  more  important  men  sing  daleng. 

In  some  of  the  villages  men  gather  the  next  morning  to  do  any 
necessary  work  on  the  balaua,  and  then  the  mediums  celebrate  the 
dazvak,3  which  always  forms  a  part  of  this  ceremony.  In  Manabo  the 
dazvak  follows  after  an  interval  of  three  days. 

This  great  and  final  event  is  so  much  like  the  procedure  which 
makes  up  the  Tangpap  ceremony  that  it  seems  necessary  to  give  it  only 
in  skeleton  form,  adding  explanations  whenever  they  appear  to  be 
necessary.  In  the  balaua  is  spread  a  mat  covered  with  gifts  for  the 
spirits  who  are  expected.  Here  also  is  the  spirit  shield  from  the 
dwelling,  and  a  great  heap  of  refuse  made  up  of  the  leaves,  vines  and 
other  articles  used  in  the  preceding  days. 

1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  177. 

*  On  two  occasions  an  old  bedstead  of  Spanish  type  served  instead  of 
the  frame. 

*  See  p.  315.  In  some  towns  the  spirits  are  summoned  at  different  times 
during  the  ceremony,  as  in  Tangpap. 


354  The  Tinguian 

When  all  is  ready,  a  medium  seats  herself  by  the  mat,  dips  oil 
from  a  shallow  dish  with  a  small  head-axe,  and  lets  it  drip  onto  the 
ground ;  then  she  does  the  same  with  basi,  and  finally  strokes  a  rooster 
which  lies  beside  the  jar,  all  the  while  reciting  the  proper  dlam. 

Taking  the  spirit  shield,  which  belongs  in  the  dwelling,  she  puts 
oil  at  each  corner,  and  then  touches  the  heads  of  all  the  family  with 
it.  Beads  and  betel-leaf  are  added,  and  the  shield  is  carried  to  the 
house,  where  it  is  again  fastened  to  the  wall,  as  a  testimony  to  all 
passing  spirits  that  the  ceremony  has  been  made,  and  food  provided 
for  them.    , 

The  time  has  now  arrived  for  the  spirits  to  appear.  Seating  her- 
self beside  the  mat,  the  medium  strikes  on  a  plate  with  her  shells  or  a 
piece  of  lead,  and  then  starts  her  song.  She  rubs  her  hands  together 
with  a  revolving  motion,  swings  her  arms,  and  begins  to  tremble  from 
head  to  foot.  Suddenly  she  is  possessed  by  a  spirit,  and  under  his 
direction  holds  oil  to  the  nostrils  of  the  host,  and  beats  him  with 
a  small  whip  of  braided  betel-leaf.  This  done,  she  drinks  for  the  spirit, 
and  it  departs.  Again  she  sings,  and  again  she  is  possessed.  One  spirit 
takes  the  rooster,  and  with  its  wings  cleans  up  the  rubbish  in  the 
balaua  and  in  the  yard,  empties  it  in  a  tray,  and  orders  it  taken  from 
the  village.  In  the  same  way  all  sickness  and  misfortune  will  be  re- 
moved from  the  settlement. 

Several  spirits  follow,  and  as  the  morning  wears  on,  the  medium 
becomes  more  and  more  intense.  The  muscles  of  her  neck  and  the 
veins  of  her  forehead  stand  out  like  cords,  while  perspiration  streams 
from  her  bod.  Taking  a  shield  and  head-axe  in  her  hand,  she  does  a 
sort  of  muscle  dance,  then  goes  to  each  member  of  the  family,  and 
strikes  the  weapons  together  over  their  heads ;  from  them  she  goes 
to  the  doors  and  windows,  and  strikes  at  them  with  the  axe.  Finally 
she  returns  to  the  mat,  balances  a  cup  of  basi  on  the  weapon,  and 
causes  the  host  to  drink.  Another  attack  on  the  doors  follows,  and 
then  in  exhaustion  she  sinks  beside  the  mat.  After  a  short  rest,  she 
dips  beads  in  oil,  and  with  them  touches  the  heads  of  the  family.  The 
musicians  strike  up  a  lively  tattoo  at  this  point,  and  again  seizing 
her  weapons,  the  medium  dances  in  front  of  the  spirit  shield.  Going 
to  the  rooster  on  the  mat,  she  cuts  off  a  part  of  its  comb,  and  presses 
the  bloody  fowl  against  the  back  or  leg  of  each  person  in  the  room. 
The  spirit  drinks  and  disappears. 

The  next  visitor  dances  with  the  host,  and  then  wrestles  with  him, 
but  upon  getting  the  worst  of  the  match  takes  leave.  As  in  the  Tang- 
pap,  large  number  of  minor  beings  call   for  a  moment  or  two  and 


The  Ceremonies  355 

pass  on.  One  spirit  places  the  family  beneath  a  blanket,  cuts  a  coconut 
in  two  above  their  heads,  and  first  allows  the  water  to  run  over 
them ;  then  finally  the  halves  are  allowed  to  drop.  She  waves  burning 
rice-straw  above  them,  and  removes  the  blanket.  It  is  explained  that 
the  water  washes  all  evil  away,  and  that  as  the  shells  fall  from  the 
family,  so  will  sickness  leave  them.  Evil  spirits  are  afraid  of  he  fire, 
and  leave  when  the  burning  rice-straw  is  waved  about  the  blanket. 

As  a  final  act  the  members  of  the  family  are  instructed  to  hold, 
in  their  hands  the  head-axe,  chicken  feathers,  agate  beads,  and  other- 
articles,  and  then  to  mount  the  rice-mortar  in  the  yard.  Soon  one 
or  more  of  the  mediums  is  possessed  by  spirits,  who  rush  toward  the 
mortar,  and  strive  to  seize  the  prized  objects.  Before  they  can  ac- 
complish their  design,  they  are  met  by  old  men  and  women,  who  fight 
them  off.  At  last  they  abandon  the  attempt  and,  together  with  the  host 
and  his  wife,  go  to  the  edge  of  the  town,  where  they  pick  sweet  smell- 
ing leaves  and  vines.  These  they  carry  back  to  the  village  to  give  to 
the  guests,  and  to  place  in  the  house  and  spirit  dwellings. 

As  a  final  act  basi  is  served  to  all,  and  tadek  is  danced  until  the 
guests  are  ready  to  return  to  their  homes. 

In  San  Juan  they  make  the  spirit  raft — taltalabong — as  in  Tang- 
pap,  and  set  it  afloat  at  sunset. 

The  mediums  are  paid  off  in  rice,  a  portion  of  the  slaughtered 
animals,  beads,  one  or  two  blankets,  and  perhaps  a  weapon,  or  piece 
of  money. 

During  the  succeeding  month  the  family  is  prevented  from  doing 
any  work,  from  approaching  a  dead  body,  or  entering  the  house  of 
death.  Wild  carabao,  pig,  beef,  eels,  and  wild  peppers  may  not  be 
eaten  during  this  period,  and  wild  chickens  are  taboo  for  one  year. 

3.     Special  Ceremonies 

The  two  ceremonies  which  follow  do  not  have  a  wide  distribution, 
neither  are  they  hereditary.  They  are  given  at  this  time  because  of 
their  similarity  to  the  great  ceremonies  just  described. 

Pi  nasal. — This  rather  elaborate  rite  seems  to  be  confined  to  San 
Juan  and  nearby  settlements.  The  right  to  it  is  not  hereditary,  and 
any  one  who  can  afford  the  expense  involved  may  celebrate  it.  How- 
ever, it  usually  follows  the  Sayang,  if  some  member  of  the  family  is 
ill,  and  is  not  benefited  by  that  ceremony,  for  "all  the  spirits  are  not 
present  at  each  ceremony,  and  so  it  may  be  necessary  to  give  others, 
until  the  one  who  caused  the  sickness  is  found." 

On  the  first  day  the  house  is  decorated  as  in  Tangpap  and  Sayang ; 
a  bound  pig  is  placed  beside  the  door,  and  over  it  the  mediums  recite 


356  The  Tinguian 

a  dlam  and  later  summon  several  spirits.  Liquor  is  served  to  the  guests, 
who  dance  tadek  or  sing  songs  in  praise  of  the  family. 

Early  the  next  day,  the  pig  is  killed  and,  after  its  intestines  have 
been  removed,  it  is  covered  with  a  colored  blanket,  and  is  carried  into 
the  dwelling.  Here  it  is  met  by  the  mediums  who  wave  rain  coats 
above  the  animal,  and  then  wail  over  the  carcass.  "The  pig  and  its 
covering  are  in  part  payment  for  the  life  of  the  sick  person.  They 
cry  for  the  pig,  so  they  will  not  need  to  cry  for  the  patient."  Later 
the  pig  is  cut  up  and  prepared  as  food,  only  the  head  and  feet  being 
left  for  the  spirits. 

Gipas,  the  dividing,  follows.  A  Chinese  jar  is  placed  on  its  side, 
and  on  each  end  a  spear  is  laid,  so  that  they  nearly  meet  above  the 
center  of  the  jar.  Next  a  rolled  mat  is  laid  on  the  spears,  and  finally 
four  beads  and  a  headband  are  added.  The  mat  then  is  cut  through  the 
middle,  so  as  to  leave  equal  parts  of  the  headband  and  two  beads  on 
each  half.  "This  shows  that  the  spirit  is  now  paid,  and  is  separated 
from  the  house." 

The  next  act  is  to  stretch  a  rattan  cord  across  the  center  of  the 
room  and  to  place  on  it  many  blankets  and  skirts.  A  man  and  a  woman, 
who  represent  the  good  spirits  Iwaginan  and  Gimbagon,  are  dressed 
in  fine  garments,  and  hold  in  their  hands  pieces  of  gold,  a  fine  spear, 
and  other  prized  articles.  They  are  placed  on  one  side  of  the  cord, 
and  in  front  of  them  stand  a  number  of  men  with  their  hands  on  each 
others'  shoulders.  Now  the  mediums  enter  the  other  end  of  the  room, 
spread  a  mat,  and  begin  to  summon  the  spirits.  Soon  they  are  possessed 
by  evil  beings  who  notice  the  couple  representing  the  good  spirits,  and 
seizing  sticks  or  other  objects,  rush  toward  them  endeavoring  to  seize 
their  wealth.  When  they  reach  the  line  of  men,  they  strive  to  break 
through,  but  to  no  avail.  Finally  they  give  this  up,  but  now  attempt 
to  seize  the  objects  hanging  on  the  line.  Again  they  are  thwarted.  "If 
the  evil  spirits  get  these  things,  they  will  come  often,  their  children 
will  marry,  and  they  also  will  harm  the  family ;  but  if  the  good  beings 
keep  their  wealth,  their  children  will  marry,  and  will  aid  the  owner 
of  the  house." 

Later  one  of  the  mediums  and  an  old  woman  count  the  colors  in  a 
fine  blanket.  Usually  there  are  five  colors,  so  "the  spirit  is  powerless 
to  injure  the  people  for  five  years."  Next  the  couple  gamble,  but  the 
medium  always  loses.  Finally  the  spirit  becomes  discouraged  and 
departs.  The  decorations  are  now  taken  from  the  room,  and  the  sick 
person  is  carried  down  to  the  river  by  the  members  of  the  family. 
Arrived  at  the  water's  edge,  the  oldest  relative  will  cut  off  a  dog's 


The  Ceremonies  357 

head  as  final  payment  for  the  life  of  the  invalid.  Since  the  act  is  car- 
ried on  beside  the  river,  the  spirits  will  either  witness  the  act,  or  see 
the  blood  as  it  floats  away,  and  hence  will  not  need  to  visit  the  town. 
The  rattan  cord  and  vines  used  in  the  dwelling  are  thrown  onto  the 
water  for  the  same  reason. 

The  whole  family  is  covered  with  a  large  blanket,  and  a  medium 
swings  a  coconut  over  them,  then  resting  the  halves  on  the  head  of 
each  one  for  a  moment,  she  releases  them,  meanwhile  calling  to  the 
spirit,  "You  see  this ;  this  is  your  share ;  do  not  come  any  more." 
After  assuring  them  that  the  sickness  will  now  fall  away  from  them, 
she  waves  burning  cogon  grass  over  their  heads  while  she  cries,  "Go 
away,  sickness."  The  blanket  is  removed,  and  the  family  bathes. 
While  they  are  still  in  the  water,  the  medium  takes  a  spear  and 
shield  in  her  hands,  and  going  to  the  edge  of  the  stream,  she  begins  to 
summon  spirits,  but  all  the  while  she  keeps  sharp  watch  of  the  old 
man  who  killed  the  dog,  for  he  is  now  armed  and  appears  to  be 
her  enemy.  However,  she  is  not  molested  until  she  starts  toward  the 
village.  When  quite  near  to  the  settlement,  she  is  suddenly  attacked 
by  many  people  carrying  banana  stalks  which  they  hurl  at  her.  She 
succeeds  in  warding  these  off,  but  while  she  is  thus  engaged,  an  old 
man  runs  in  and  touches  her  with  a  spear.  Immediately  she  falls  as 
if  dead,  and  it  is  several  moments  before  she  again  regains  conscious- 
ness. This  attack  is  made  to  show  the  spirit  how  unwelcome  it  is, 
and  in  hopes  that  such  bad  treatment  will  induce  it  to  stay  away. 

After  the  return  of  the  family  to  the  village,  the  guests  drink 
basi,  sing  and  dance,  and  usually  several  spirits  are  summoned  by  the 
mediums. 

The  next  morning  two  Pinalasang  ■  are  constructed  in  the  yard. 
Each  supports  a  plate  containing  beads,  a  string  of  beads  is  suspended 
from  one  of  the  poles,  and  a  jar  of  basi  is  placed  beneath.  In  front 
of  them  the  mediums  call  the  spirits,  then  offer  the  heart,  livers,  and 
intestines,  while  they  call  out,  "Take  me  and  do  not  injure  the  people." 
The  final  act  of  the  ceremony  is  to  construct  the  spirit  raft  taltalabong , 
load  it  with  food,  and  set  it  afloat  on  the  river,  "so  that  all  the  spirits 
may  see  and  know  what  has  been  done." 

In  addition  to  the  regular  pay  for  their  services,  the  mediums 
divide  the  jaw  of  a  pig  and  carry  the  portions  home  with  them,  as 
their  protection  against  lightning,  and  the  spirits  whose  hostility 
they  may  have  incurred. 

1  See  under  Idasan,  p.  309. 


35S  The  Tinguian  > 

Binikwau. — This  ceremony,  like  the  one  just  described,  seems 
to  be  limited  to  the  San  Juan  region,  and  is  given  under  similar 
circumstances. 

The  room  is  decorated  as  usual,  and  a  bound  pig  is  laid  in  the 
center.  This  is  known  as  "the  exchange,"  since  it  is  given  in  place 
of  the  patient's  life.  Two  mediums  place  betel-nut  on  the  animal,  then 
stroke  it  with  oil,  saying,  "You  make  the  liver  favorable,"  i.  e.,  give 
a  good  omen.  After  a  time  they  begin  summoning  the  spirits,  and  from 
then  until  late  evening  the  guests  divide  their  time  between  the 
mediums  and  the  liquor  jars.  Soon  all  are  in  a  jovial  mood,  and  before 
long  are  singing  the  praises  of  their  hosts,  or  are  greeting  visiting 
spirits  as  old  time  friends. 

The  pig  is  killed  early  next  morning,  and  its  liver  is  eagerly  ex- 
amined to  learn  whether  or  no  the  patient  is  destined  to  recover.  A 
part  of  the  flesh  is  placed  on  the  house  rafters,  for  the  use  of  the 
spirits,  while  the  balance  is  cooked  and  served.  Following  the  meal, 
the  gongs  and  drums  are  brought  up  into  the  house,  and  the  people 
dance  or  sing  until  the  mediums  appear,  ready  to  summon  the  spirits. 
The  first  to  come  is  Sablan,  the  guardian  of  the  dogs.  He  demands 
that  eight  plates  and  a  coconut  shell  be  filled  with  blood  and  rice ; 
another  shell  is  to  be  filled  with  uncooked  rice,  in  which  a  silver 
coin  is  hidden;  and  finally  a  bamboo  dog-trough  must  be  provided. 
When  his  demands  are  met,  he  begins  to  call,  "Come,  my  dogs,  come 
and  eat."  Later  the  blood  and  rice  are  placed  in  the  trough,  and  are 
carried  to  the  edge  of  the  town,  where  they  are  left.  This  done,  the 
spirit  pierces  the  pig's  liver  with  a  spear  and,  placing  it  on  a  shield, 
dances  about  the  room.  Finally,  stopping  beside  the  mat,  he  lays  them 
on  the  patient's  stomach.  The  next  and  final  act  is  to  scrape  up  a  little 
of  the  liver  with  a  small  head-axe,  and  to  place  this,  mixed  with  oil, 
on  the  sick  person. 

On  the  third  and  last  day,  the  medium  leads  a  big  dog  to  the  edge 
of  the  village,  and  then  kills  it  with  a  club.  A  piece  of  the  animal's  ear 
is  cut  off,  is  wrapped  in  a  cloth,  and  is  hung  around  the  patient's 
neck  as  a  protection  against  evil,  and  as  a  sign  to  all  spirits  that  this 
ceremony  has  been  held. 

Throughout  the  rest  of  the  day  many  spirits  visit  the  mediums, 
and  at  such  a  time  Kakalonan  is  sure  to  appear  to  give  friendly 
advice.    The  final  act  is  to  set  the  spirit  raft  afloat  on  the  stream. 


VI.     SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION.     GOVERNMENT. 
THE  VILLAGE 

The  village  is  the  social  unit  within  which  there  are  no  clans,  no 
political,  or  other  divisions.  The  Tinguian  are  familiar  with  the  Igorot 
town,  made  up  of  several  ato,1  but  there  is  no  indication  that  they 
have  ever  had  such  an  institution. 

The  head  of  the  village  is  known  as  lakay.  He  is  usually  a  man 
past  middle  age  whose  wealth  and  superior  knowledge  have  given  him 
the  confidence  of  his  people.  He  is  chosen  by  the  older  men  of  the 
village,  and  holds  his  position  for  life  unless  he  is  removed  for  cause. 
It  is  possible  that,  at  his  death,  his  son  may  succeed  him,  but  this  is 
by  no  means  certain. 

The  lakay  is  supposed  to  be  well  versed  in  the  customs  of  the 
ancestors,  and  all  matters  of  dispute  or  questions  of  policy  are  brought 
to  him.  If  the  case  is  one  of  special  importance  he  will  summon  the 
other  old  men,  who  will  deliberate  and  decide  the  question  at  issue. 
They  have  no  means  of  enforcing  their  decisions  other  than  the  force 
of  public  opinion,  but  since  an  offender  is  ostracised,  until  he  has  met 
the  conditions  imposed  by  the  elders,  their  authority  is  actually  very 
great.  Should  a  lakay  deal  unjustly  with  the  people,  or  attempt  to  alter 
long  established  customs,  he  would  be  removed  from  office  and  another 
be  selected  in  his  stead.  No  salary  or  fees  are  connected  with  this 
office,  the  holder  receiving  his  reward  solely  through  the  esteem  in 
which  he  is  held  by  his  people. 

In  former  times  two  or  three  villages  would  occasionally  unite  to 
form  a  loose  union,  the  better  to  resist  a  powerful  enemy,  but  with 
the  coming  of  more  peaceful  times  such  beginnings  of  confederacies 
have  vanished.  During  the  Spanish  regime  attempts  were  made  to 
organize  the  pagan  communities  and  to  give  titles  to  their  officers, 
but  these  efforts  met  with  little  success.  Under  American  rule  local 
self  government,  accompanied  by  several  elective  offices,  has  been 
established  in  many  towns.  The  contest  for  office  and  government 
recognition  of  the  officials  is  tending  to  break  down  the  old  system 
and  to  concentrate  the  power  in  the  presidente  or  mayor. 

It  is  probable  that  the  early  Tinguian  settlement  consisted  of  one 

1  Each  with  its  dormitory  for  bachelors,  and  usually  for  unmarried  girls. 
See  Jenks,  The  Bontoc  Igorot,  p.  49  (Manila,  1905). 

359 


360  \  The  Tinguian 

or  more  closely  related  groups.  Even  to-day  the  family  ties  are  so 
strong  that  it  was  found  possible,  in  compiling  the  genealogical  tables, 
to  trace  back  the  family  history  five  or  six  generations. 

These  families  are  not  distinguished  by  any  totems,  guardian 
spirits,  or  stories  of  supernatural  origin,  but  the  right  to  conduct 
the  more  important  ceremonies  is  hereditary.  Descent  is  traced  through 
both  the  male  and  female  lines,  and  inheritance  is  likewise  through 
both  sexes.  There  are  no  distinguishing  terms  for  relations  on  the 
father's  or  mother's  side,  nor  are  there  other  traces  of  matriarchal 
institutions. 

Families  of  means  attain  a  social  standing  above  that  of  their  less 
fortunate  townsmen,  but  there  is  no  sharp  stratification  of  the  com- 
munity into  noble  and  serf,  such  as  was  coming  into  vogue  along 
many  parts  of  the  coast  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  neither 
has  slavery  ever  gained  a  foothold  with  this  people.  The  wealthy  often 
loan  rice  to  the  poor,  and  exact  usury  of  about  fifty  per  cent.  Pay- 
ment is  made  in  service  during  the  period  of  planting  and  harvesting, 
so  that  the  labor  problem  is,  to  a  large  extent,  solved  for  the  land- 
holders. However,  they  customarily  join  the  workers  in  the  fields  and 
take  their  share  in  all  kinds  of  labor. 

The  concubines,  known  as  pota  (cf.  p.  283),  are  deprived  of  certain 
rights,  and  they  are  held  somewhat  in  contempt  by  the  other  women, 
but  they  are  in  no  sense  slaves.  They  may  possess  property,  and  their 
children  may  become  leaders  in  Tinguian  society. 

The  only  group  which  is  sharply  separated  from  the  mass  is  com- 
posed of  the  mediums,  and  they  are  distinctive  only  during  the  cere- 
monial periods.  At  other  times  they  are  treated  in  all  respects  as 
other  members  of  the  community. 

On  three  occasions  the  writer  has  found  men  dressing  like  women, 
doing  women's  work,  and  spending  their  time  with  members  of  that 
sex.  Information  concerning  these  individuals  has  always  come  by 
accident,  the  people  seeming  to  be  exceedingly  reticent  to  talk  about 
them.  In  Plate  XXXVI  is  shown  a  man  in  woman's  dress,  who  has 
become  an  expert  potter.  The  explanation  given  for  the  disavowal 
of  his  sex  is  that  he  donned  women's  clothes  during  the  Spanish 
regime  to  escape  road  work,  and  has  since  then  retained  their  garb. 
Equally  unsatisfactory  and  unlikely  reasons  were  advanced  for  the 
other  cases  mentioned. 

It  should  be  noted  that  similar  individuals  have  been  described 
from  Zambales,  Panay,  from  the  Subanun  of  Mindanao,  and  from 
Borneo.1  It  has  been  suggested,  with  considerable  probability,   that 

1  Combes,  Historia  de  las  islas  de  Mindanao  (Madrid,  1667),  translated  by 
Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XL,  p.  160;  Vol.  XLVII,  p.  300.  Ling  Roth,  Natives 
of  Sarawak  and  British  North  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  p.  270,  et  seq.  (London,  1896). 


Social  Organization.    Government.    The  Village       361 

at  least  a  part  of  these  are  hermaphrodites,  but  in  Borneo,  where  they 
act  as  priests,  Roth  states  that  they  are  unsexed  before  assuming 
their  roles. 

Laws. — Law,  government,  and  custom  are  synonymous.  What- 
ever the  ancestors  did  is  right,  and  hence  has  religious  sanction.  The 
lakay  and  his  advisors  will  give  their  decisions  according  to  the 
decrees  of  the  past,  if  that  is  possible,  but  when  precedent  is  lacking, 
they  will  deliberate  and  decide  on  a  course.  The  following  may  be 
taken  as  typical  of  the  laws  or  customs  which  regulate  the  actions  of 
the  people,  within  a  group,  toward  one  another. 

Rules  governing  the  family. — A  man  may  have  only  one  wife,  but 
he  may  keep  concubines.  If  the  wife's  relatives  suspect  that  a  mistress 
is  causing  the  husband's  affections  to  wane,  they  may  hold  the  Nag- 
kakalonan  or  "trial  of  affection"  (cf.  p.  282),  and  if  their  charges  are 
sustained,  the  husband  must  pay  them  a  considerable  amount,  and, 
in  addition,  stand  all  the  expenses  of  the  gathering.  If  it  is  shown  that 
they  are  not  justified  in  their  suspicions,  the  expense  falls  on  the 
accusers. 

The  wife  may  bring  a  charge  of  cruelty  or  laziness  against  her 
husband,  and  if  it  is  substantiated,  he  will  be  compelled  to  complete 
the  marriage  agreement  and  give  the  woman  her  freedom.  Unfaith- 
fulness on  the  part  of  a  wife,  or  a  bethrothed  girl,  justifies  the  ag- 
grieved in  killing  one  or  both  of  the  offenders.  He  may,  however,  be 
satisfied  by  having  the  marriage  gift  returned  to  him,  together  with 
a  fine  and  a  decree  of  divorce. 

A  man  who  has  a  child  by  an  unmarried  woman,  not  a  pota,  must 
give  the  girl's  people  about  one  hundred  pesos,  and  must  support  the 
infant.  Later  the  child  comes  into  his  keeping,  and  is  recognized  as  an 
heir  to  his  estate. 

Marriage  is  prohibited  between  cousins,  between  a  man  and  his 
adopted  sister,  his  sister-in-law,  or  mother-in-law.  Union  with  a 
second  cousin  is  also  tabooed.  It  is  said  that  offenders  would  be  cut 
off  from  the  village;  no  one  would  associate  with  them,  and  their 
children  would  be  disinherited. 

A  widow  may  remarry  after  the  Layog  ceremony  (cf.  p.  290),  but 
all  the  property  of  her  first  husband  goes  to  his  children. 

If  a  wife  has  neglected  her  husband  during  his  final  illness,  she  may 
be  compelled  to  remain  under  two  blankets,  while  the  body  is  in  the 
house  (cf.  p.  286),  unless  she  pays  a  fine  of  ten  or  fifteen  pesos  to 
his  family. 


362  The  Tinguian 

Children  must  care  for  and  support  infirm  parents.  Should  there 
be  no  children,  this  duty  falls  upon  the  nearest  relative. 

Inheritance. — Although  a  price  is  paid  for  the  bride,  the  Tinguian 
woman  is  in  no  sense  a  slave.  She  may  inherit  property  from  her 
parents,  hold  it  through  life,  and  pass  it  on  to  her  children. 

Following  the  death  of  a  man,  enough  is  taken  from  his  estate 
to  pay  up  any  part  of  the  marriage  agreement  which  may  still  be 
due,  and  the  balance  is  divided  among  his  children.  If  there  are  no 
children,  it  is  probable  that  his  personal  possessions  will  go  to  his 
father  or  mother,  if  they  are  still  living;  otherwise,  to  his  brothers 
and  sisters.  However,  the  old  men  in  council  may  decide  that  the 
wife  is  entitled  to  a  share.  Should  she  remarry  and  bear  children  to 
her  second  husband,  she  cannot  give  any  part  of  this  property  to  them, 
but  upon  her  death  it  goes  to  the  offspring  of  the  first  marriage,  or 
reverts  to  the  relatives.  Land  is  divided  about  equally  between  boys 
and  girls,  but  the  boys  receive  the  major  part  of  the  animals,  and  the 
girls  their  mother's  beads.  Oftentimes  the  old  men  will  give  the 
oldest  child  the  largest  share,  "since  he  has  helped  his  parents  longest." 

Whatever  the  husband  and  wife  have  accumulated  in  common 
during  their  married  life  is  divided,  and  the  man's  portion  is  disposed 
of,  as  just  indicated.  Illegitimate  children  and  those  of  a  pota  receive 
a  share  of  their  father's  property,  but  not  in  the  same  proportion  as 
the  children  of  the  wife.  No  part  of  the  estate  goes  to  a  concubine 
unless,  in  the  judgment  of  the  old  men,  it  is  necessary  to  provide  for 
her,  because  of  sickness  or  infirmity. 

Transfer  and  sharing  of  property. — Land  and  houses  are  seldom 
transferred,  except  at  the  death  of  the  owner,  but  should  a  sale  or 
trade  be  desired,  the  parties  to  the  contract  will  make  the  bargain  be- 
fore the  lakay  and  old  men,  who  thus  become  witnesses.  A  feast  is 
given  at  such  a  time,  and  is  paid  for  by  either  the  seller  or  the  buyer. 
The  sale  or  barter  of  carabao,  horses,  valuable  jars,  and  beads  may  be 
witnessed  in  this  manner,  but  the  transfer  of  personal  property  is 
purely  a  matter  between  the  parties  concerned. 

If  a  man  works  the  property  of  another,  he  furnishes  the  seed 
and  labor,  and  the  crop  is  divided.  If  an  owner  places  his  animals 
in  the  care  of  another,  the  first  of  the  increase  goes  to  him,  the  second 
to  the  caretaker.  Should  an  animal  die,  the  caretaker  must  skin  it,  and 
give  the  hide  to  the  owner,  after  which  he  is  freed  from  responsibility, 
but  he  is  liable  for  the  loss,  theft,  or  injury  to  his  charges. 

Murder  and  Theft. — The  relatives  of  a  murdered  man  may  kill 
his  assailant  without  fear  of  punishment,  but,  if  they  are  willing,  the 


Social  Organization.     Government.     The  Village       363 

guilty  party  may  settle  with  them  by  paying  in  Chinese  jars,  carabao, 
or  money.  The  usual  payment  varies  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  pesos. 
A  thief  is  compelled  to  make  restitution,  and  is  also  subject  to  a 
small  fine. 

The  practice  of  evil  magic,  and  the  breaking  of  a  taboo,  are  con- 
sidered serious  crimes,  but  as  they  have  been  treated  under  Religion 
and  Magic,  they  will  not  be  repeated  here. 

Lying,  Cheating,  Breaches  of  Etiquette. — Falling  outside  the 
realm  of  law  are  those  things  which  may  be  considered  right  and 
wrong,  but  the  infraction  of  which  carries  with  it  no  penalty.  Lying, 
for  instance,  is  not  bad,  if  it  is  done  to  protect  yourself  or  a  friend, 
but  falsifying  without  purpose  is  mean  and  to  be  despised.  Cheating 
is  not  wrong.  Your  ability  to  outwit  the  other  person  is  proof  that  you 
are  the  smarter  man. 

It  is  bad  manners  for  a  man  to  sit  with  his  legs  far  apart  or  to 
expose  all  of  his  clout,  or  for  a  woman  to  sit  on  the  floor  with  one 
leg  drawn  up.  A  person  should  not  walk  about  while  others  are  sing- 
ing or  dancing.  Basi  should  never  be  drunk,  until  it  has  been  offered 
to  every  one  present,  especially  the  elders. 

Before  eating,  a  person  should  invite  all  in  the  room  to  join  him, 
even  though  he  does  not  expect  them  to  accept.  A  visitor  should  never 
eat  with  the  wife  of  another  during  his  absence. 

Always  call  before  entering  a  house.  Never  enter  a  dwelling,  when 
the  owner  is  away,  and  has  removed  the  ladder  from  the  door. 
Never  enter  a  village  dirty;  stop  and  bathe  at  the  spring  before  going 
up.    Only  dogs  enter  the  houses  without  bathing. 

The  Village  (Plate  XXXVIII). — A  village  generally  consists  of 
two  or  three  settlements,  situated  near  together, and  under  the  authority 
of  a  single  lakay  or  headman.  There  is  no  plan  or  set  arrangement  for 
the  dwellings  or  other  structures,  but,  as  a  rule,  the  house,  spirit  struc- 
ture, and  perhaps  corrals  are  clustered  closely  together,  while  at  the 
edge  of  the  settlement  are  the  rice  granaries  and  garden  plots.  Form- 
erly a  double  bamboo  stockade  surrounded  each  settlement,  but  in 
recent  years  these  have  disappeared,  and  at  the  time  of  our  visit  only 
one  town,  Abang,  was  so  protected. 

The  dwellings  vary  in  size  and  shape.  They  conform  in  general  to 
two  types.  The  first  and  most  common  is  a  single  room  with  a  door 
at  one  end  opening  off  from  an  uncovered  porch  (Plate  XXXIX). 
The  second  consists  of  three  rooms,  or  rather  two  rooms,  between 
which  is  a  porch  or  entry  way,  all  under  one  roof.  There  is  seldom  an 
outer  door  to  this  entry  way,  but  each  room  has  its  own  door,  and 


364  The  Tinguian 

oftentimes  windows  opening  on  to  it,  so  that  one  has  the  feeling  that 
we  have  here  two  houses  joined  by  the  covered  porch.  In  such  build- 
ings this  entry  way  is  a  convenient  place  for  hanging  nets  or  for 
drying  tobacco. 

In  one  room  is  the  hearth,  the  water  pots,  and  dishes,  while  the 
other  is  the  family  sleeping-room. 

The  construction  of  the  dwelling  is  shown  in  Plates  XL-XLI.  A 
number  of  heavy  hard-wood  posts  are  sunk  deeply  into  the  ground  and 
project  upward  10  or  more  feet.  At  a  height  of  4  or  5  feet  above  the 
ground,  crossbeams  are  lashed  or  pegged  to  form  the  floor  supports, 
while  at  the  tops  are  other  beams  on  which  the  roof  rests.  Plate  XL 
shows  the  skeleton  of  this  roof  so  plainly  that  further  description  is 
unnecessary.  This  framework,  generally  constructed  on  the  ground, 
is  raised  on  to  the  upright  timbers,  and  is  lashed  in  place.  A  closely 
woven  mat  of  bamboo  strips,  or  of  bamboo  beaten  flat,  covers  each 
side  of  the  roof,  and  on  this  the  thatch  is  laid.  Bundles  of  cogon  grass 
are  spread  clear  across  the  roof,  a  strip  of  bamboo  is  laid  at  the  upper 
ends,  and  is  lashed  to  the  mat  below.  A  second  row  of  thatch  overlaps 
the  top  of  the  first,  and  thus  a  waterproof  covering  is  provided. 

Another  type  of  roofing  is  made  by  splitting  long  bamboo  poles, 
removing  the  sectional  divisions  and  then  lashing  them  to  the  frame- 
work. The  first  set  is  placed  with  the  concave  sides  up,  and  runs  from 
the  ridge  pole  to  a  point  a  few  inches  below  the  framework,  so  as  to 
overhang  it  somewhat.  A  second  series  of  halved  bamboos  is  laid 
convex  side  up,  the  edges  resting  in  the  concavity  of  those  below,  thus 
making  an  arrangement  similar  to  a  tiled  roof. 

For  the  side  walls  this  tiled  type  of  construction  is  commonly  used 
(Plate  LXXVIII).  A  coarse  bamboo  mat  is  likewise  employed,  while 
a  crude  interweaving  of  bamboo  strips  is  by  no  means  uncommon. 
Such  a  wall  affords  little  protection  against  a  driving  rain  or  wind, 
but  the  others  are  quite  effective.  Well-to-do  families  often  have  the 
side  walls  and  floors  of  their  houses  made  of  hard-wood  boards.  Since 
planks  are,  or  have  been  until  recently,  cut  out  with  knives,  head-axes, 
or  adzes,  much  time  and  wealth  is  consumed  in  constructing  such  a 
dwelling.  When  completed,  it  is  less  well  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the 
people  than  the  structures  just  described,  but  its  possession  is  a  source 
of  gratification  to  the  owner,  and  aids  in  establishing  him  as  a  man  of 
affairs  in  his  town. 

The  floor  is  made  of  poles  tied  to  the  side-beams,  and  on  these 
strips  of  bamboo  are  laid  so  as  to  leave  small  cracks  between  them. 
This  assists  in  the  house-cleaning,  as  all  dirt  and  refuse  is  swept 


Social  Organization.    Government.    The  Village       365 

through  the  openings  on  to  the  ground.  When  the  floor  is  made  of 
wood,  it  is  customary  to  leave  one  corner  to  be  finished  off  in  the 
bamboo  slits,  and  it  is  here  that  the  mother  gives  birth  to  her  children. 
This  is  not  compulsory,  but  it  is  custom,  and  indicates  clearly  that  the 
planked  floor  is  a  recent  introduction. 

Entrance  to  the  dwelling  is  by  means  of  a  bamboo  ladder  which 
is  raised  at  night,  or  when  the  family  is  away.  Windows  are  merely 
square  holes  over  which  a  bamboo  mat  is  fitted  at  night,  but  the  door 
is  a  bamboo-covered  framework  which  turns  in  wooden  sockets. 

Such  a  house  offers  no  barriers  to  mosquitoes,  flies,  flying  roaches, 
or  white  ants,  while  rats,  scorpions,  and  centipedes  find  friendly  shelter 
in  the  thatch  roof.  Quite  commonly  large  but  harmless  snakes  are 
encouraged  to  take  up  their  residence  in  the  cook  room,  as  their 
presence  induces  the  rats  to  move  elsewhere.  Little  house  lizards  are 
always  present,  and  not  infrequently  a  large  lizard  makes  its  home 
on  the  ridge  pole,  and  from  time  to  time  gives  its  weird  cry. 

The  ground  beneath  the  house  is  often  enclosed  with  bamboo  slats, 
and  is  used  for  storage  purposes,  or  a  portion  may  be  used  as  a  chicken 
coop.  It  is  also  customary  to  bury  the  dead  beneath  the  dwelling,  and 
above  the  grave  are  the  boxes  in  which  are  placed  supplies  for  the 
spirits  of  the  deceased. 

With  some  modification  this  description  of  the  Tinguian  house  and 
village  would  apply  to  those  of  the  western  Kalinga  and  the  Apayao,1 
and  likewise  the  Christian  natives  of  the  coast,  but  a  very  different 
type  of  dwelling  and  grouping  is  found  among  the  neighboring 
Igorot.2  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  we  do  not  find  to-day  any  trace  of 
tree  dwellings,  such  as  were  described  by  La  Gironiere3  at  the  time 
of  his  visit  scarcely  a  century  ago.  Elevated  watch-houses  are  placed 
near  to  the  mountain  fields,  and  it  is  possible  that  in  times  of  great 
danger  people  might  have  had  similar  places  of  refuge  in  or  near  to 
their  villages,  but  the  old  men  emphatically  deny  that  they  were  ever 
tree-dwellers,  and  there  is  nothing  in  the  folk-tales  to  justify  such  a 
belief ;  on  the  contrary,  the  tales  indicate  that  the  type  of  dwelling 
found  to-day,  was  that  of  former  times.4 

House  Furnishings. — The  average  house  has  only  one  room.  In- 
side the  door,  at  the  left,  one  usually  finds  the  stove,  three  stones 
sunk  in  a  box  of  ashes  or  dirt,  or  a  similar  device  of  clay  (Fig  5, 

"For    description    of    these   villages,    see    Cole,    Distribution    of    the    Non- 
Christian  Tribes  of  Northwestern  Luzon  (Am.  Anthropologist,  Vol.  XI,  p.  329). 
"See  Jenks,  The  Bontoc  Igorot  (Manila,  1906). 
s  Twenty  years  in  the  Philippines,  p.  109  (London,  1853). 
4  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  I,  p.  8. 


366 


The  Tinguian 


12 

FIG.  5. 
HOUSEHOLD  OBJECTS. 


Social  Organization.     Government.     The  Village       367 

No.  1).  Above  the  fire  is  suspended  a  hanger  on  which  are  placed 
dishes  and  food,  in  order  that  they  may  not  be  disturbed  by  insects. 
Along  the  wall  stands  a  small  caldron,  jars  for  water  and  rice,  and 
the  large  Chinese  jars,  the  latter  as  a  general  rule  heirlooms  or  mar- 
riage gifts.  These  are  sometimes  used  for  basi,  but  more  often  they 
contain  broken  rice,  cotton,  or  small  articles.  Above  the  jars  is  a  rack 
or  hangar  on  which  dishes  or  coconut  shells  are  placed.  At  one  end 
of  the  room  a  set  of  pegs,  deer  horns,  or  a  cord  supports  a  variety  of 
clothes,  blankets,  a  woman's  switch,  and  perhaps  a  man's  belt.  The 
sleeping-mats  either  hang  here  or  occupy  a  rack  of  their  own.  Below 
the  cord  stand  chests  secured  in  early  years  through  trade  with  the 
Chinese.  In  these  are  the  family  treasures,  valuable  beads,  coins, 
blankets,  ceremonial  objects,  and  the  like.  Piled  on  the  boxes  is  a 
variety  of  pillows,  for  no  Tinguian  house  is  complete  without  a  num- 
ber of  these  (Plate  LXVI).  The  other  house  furnishings,  consisting 
of  a  spinning  wheel,  loom,  coconut  rasp,  and  clothes  beater  (Fig.  5, 
No.  10)  find  space  along  the  other  wall.  Behind  the  door,  except  in 
the  valley  towns,  stand  the  man's  spear  and  shield ;  above  or  near 
the  door  will  be  the  spirit  offering  in  the  form  of  a  small  hanger 
or  a  miniature  shield  fastened  against  the  wall.  The  center  of  the  floor 
affords  a  place  for  working,  eating,  and  sleeping.  If  there  are  small 
children  in  the  family  a  cradle  or  jumper  will  be  found  suspended 
from  a  beam  or  a  bamboo  pole  placed  across  one  corner  of  the  room 
(cf.  p.  272). 

The  type  of  jars  made  by  the  Tinguian  is  shown  in  Fig.  5,  No.  7, 
while  those  of  foreign  introduction  have  been  fully  described  in  a 
previous  publication.1 

The  native  jars  are  used  both  for  cooking  and  as  water  containers. 
With  them  will  be  found  pot  rings  and  lifters.  The  first  is  a  simple 
ring  of  plaited  bamboo,  which  fits  on  the  head  or  sets  on  the  floor, 
and  forms  a  support  for  the  rounded  bottom  of  the  jar.  The  second 
(Figure  5,  No.  3)  consists  of  a  large  rattan  loop,  which  is  placed  over 
the  neck  of  the  jar.  The  hands  are  drawn  apart,  and  the  weight  closes 
the  loop,  causing  it  to  grip  the  jar.  Long  bamboo  tubes  with  sections 
removed  are  used  as  water  containers,  while  smaller  sections  often 
serve  as  cups  or  dippers.  Gourds  are  also  used  in  this  manner  (Fig.  5, 
Nos.  8-9). 

Food  is  removed  from  the  jars  with  spoons  and  ladles  (Fig.  6) 
made  of  wood  or  coconut  shells,  but  they  are  never  put  to  the  mouth. 

'See  Cole  and  Laufer,  Chinese  Pottery  in  the  Philippines  (Field  Museum 
of  Natural  History,  Vol.  XII,  No.   1). 


368 


The  Tinguian 


Meat  is  cut  up  into  small  pieces,  and  is  served  in  its  own  juice.  The 
diner  takes  a  little  cooked  rice  in  his  fingers,  and  with  this  dips  or 
scoops  the  meat  and  broth  into  his  mouth.  Greens  are  eaten  in  the 
same  manner. 

Halved  coconut  shells  serve  both  as  cups  and  as  dishes  (Fig.5, 
No.  6).  Wooden  dishes  are  likewise  used,  but  they  are  employed 
chiefly  in  ceremonies  for  the  feeding  of  the  spirits  or  to  hold  the 
rice  from  which  a  bride  and  groom  receive  the  augury  of  the  future 
(Fig.  5,  Nos.  4-5). 

Baskets,  varying  considerably  in  material,  size  and  type,  are  much 
used,  and  are  often  scattered  about  the  dwelling  or,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  men's  carrying  baskets,  are  hung  on  pegs  set  into  the  walls-. 


fig.  6. 
Spoons  and  ladles. 

Somewhere  about  the  heuse  will  be  found  a  coconut  rasp  (Fig.  5. 
No.  11).  When  this  is  used,  the  operator  kneels  on  the  wooden  stand- 
ard, and  draws  the  half  coconut  toward  her  over  the  teeth  of  the 
blade.  The  inside  of  the  shell  is  thus  cleaned  and  prepared  for  use  as 
an  eating  or  drinking  dish.  Torches  or  bamboo  lamps  formerly  sup- 
plied the  dwellings  with  light.  Lamps  consisting  of  a  section  of  bam- 
boo filled  with  oil  and  fitted  with  a  cord  wick  are  still  in  use,  but 
for  the  most  part  they  have  been  superseded  by  tin  lamps  of  Chinese 


Social  Organization.    Government.    The  Village       369 

manufacture.  Oil  for  them  is  extracted  from  crushed  seeds  of  the 
tau-tau  (Jatropha  grandulifera  Roxb.) 

A  very  necessary  article  of  house  furnishing  is  the  fire-making 
device.  In  many  instances,  the  housewife  will  go  to  a  neighboring 
dwelling  and  borrow  a  light  rather  than  go  to  the  trouble  of  building 
a  fire,  but  if  that  is  not  convenient,  a  light  may  be  secured  by  one  or 
two  methods.  The  first  is  by  flint  and  steel,  a  method  which  is  probably 
of  comparatively  recent  introduction.  The  second  and  older  is  one 
which  the  Tinguian  shares  with  all  the  neighboring  tribes.  Two  notches 
are  cut  through  a  section  of  bamboo,  and  tree  cotton  is  placed  below 
them.  A  second  section  of  bamboo  is  cut  to  a  sharp  edge,  and  this 
is  rubbed  rapidly  back  and  forth  in  the  notches  until  the  friction  pro- 
duces a  spark,  which  when  caught  on  tinder  can  be  blown  into  a 
flame.1  At  the  door  of  the  house  will  be  found  a  foot  wiper  (Fig.  5, 
No.  12)  made  of  rice-straw  drawn  through  an  opening  cut  in  a  stick, 
or  it  may  consist  of  coconut  husks  fastened  together  to  make  a  crude 
mat,  while  near  by  is  the  broom  made  of  rice-straw  or  grass.  Rice- 
mortars,  pestles,  and  similar  objects  are  found  beneath  the  dwellings. 

The  Village  Spring. — Each  village  is  situated  near  to  a  spring  or 
on  the  banks  of  a  stream.  In  the  latter  case  deep  holes  are  dug  in 
the  sands,  and  the  water  that  seeps  in  is  used  for  household  purposes. 
In  the  morning,  a  number  of  women  and  girls  gather  at  the  springs, 
carrying  with  them  the  plates  and  dishes  used  in  the  meals,  also  gar- 
ments which  need  to  be  laundered.  The  pots  and  dishes  are  thoroughly 
scoured  with  sand  and  water,  applied  with  a  bundle  of  rice-straw  or 
grass.  The  garments  to  be  washed  are  laid  in  the  water,  generally  in 
a  little  pool  near  to  the  main  spring  or  beside  the  stream.  Ashes  from 
rice-straw  are  then  mixed  with  water  and,  after  being  strained  through 
a  bunch  of  grass,  are  applied  to  the  cloth  in  place  of  soap.  After 
being  thoroughly  soaked,  the  cloth  is  laid  on  a  clean  stone,  and  is  beaten 
with  a  stick  or  wooden  paddle.  The  garment  is  again  rinsed,  and  later 
is  hung  up  on  the  fence  near  the  dwelling  to  dry. 

Before  returning  to  her  home,  the  woman  fills  her  pots  with  water, 
and  then  takes  her  bath  in  a  pool  below  the  main  spring  (Plate  XLII). 
All  garments  are  removed  except  the  girdle  and  clout,  and  then  water, 
dipped  up  in  a  coconut  shell,  is  poured  on  to  the  face,  shoulders,  and 
body.  In  some  cases  sand  is  applied  to  the  body,  and  is  rubbed  in 
with  the  hand  or  a  stone ;  rinsing  water  is  applied  and  the  garments 

1  Despite  frequent  assertions  to  the  contrary,  the  fire  syringe  is  not  used  by 
the  Tinguian.  It  is  found  among  the  Tiagan  Igorot,  the  similarity  of  whose 
name  has  doubtless  given  rise  to  the  error. 


370  The  Tinguian 

are  put  back  on  without  drying  the  body.  Every  one,  men,  women, 
and  children,  takes  a  daily  bath,  and  visitors  will  always  stop  to  bathe 
at  the  spring  or  river  before  entering  a  village.  Promiscuous  bathing 
is  common,  and  is  accepted  as  a  matter  of  course, 'but  there  is  no  in- 
dication of  embarrassment  or  self-consciousness.  When  she  returns 
to  the  village,  the  woman  will  often  be  seen  carrying  one  or  two  jars 
of  water  on  her  head,  her  washing  under  her  arm,  while  a  child  sets 
astride  her  hip  or  lies  against  her  back  (Plate  XLIII). 


VII.    WARFARE,  HUNTING,  AND  FISHING 

Head-hunting  and  warfare  are  practically  synonymous.  To-day 
both  are  suffering  a  rapid  decline,  and  a  head  is  seldom  taken  in  the 
valley  of  the  Abra.  In  the  mountain  district  old  feuds  are  still  main- 
tained, and  sometimes  lead  to  a  killing,  and  here  too  the  ancient  funer- 
ary rites  are  still  carried  out  in  their  entirety  on  rare  occasions.  How- 
ever, this  peaceful  condition  is  not  of  long  standing.  In  every  village 
the  older  men  tell  with  pride  of  their  youthful  exploits,  of  the  raids 
they  indulged  in,  the  heads  they  captured;  and  they  are  still  held  in 
high  esteem  as  men  "who  fought  in  the  villages  of  their  enemies." 

During  the  time  of  our  stay  in  Abra,  the  villages  of  the  Buklok 
valley  were  on  bad  terms  with  the  people  of  the  neighboring  Ikmin 
valley,  and  were  openly  hostile  to  the  Igorot  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  mountain  range.  Manabo  and  Abang  were  likewise  hostile 
to  their  Igorot  neighbors,  and  the  latter  village  was  surrounded  with 
a  double  bamboo  stockade,  to  guard  against  a  surprise  attack.  Manabo 
at  this  time  anticipated  trouble  with  the  warriors  of  Balatok  and 
Besao,  as  a  result  of  their  having  killed  six  men  from  those  towns. 
The  victims  had  ostensibly  come  down  to  the  Abra  river  to  fish,  but, 
judging  by  previous  experience,  the  Tinguian  believed  them  to  be  in 
search  of  heads,  and  acted  accordingly.  This  feud  is  of  old  standing 
and  appears  to  have  grown  out  of  a  dispute  over  the  hunting  grounds 
on  Mt.  Posoey,  the  great  peak  which  rises  only  a  few  miles  from 
Manabo.  There  have  been  many  clashes  between  the  rival  hunters, 
the  most  serious  of  which  occurred  in  1889,  when  the  Tinguian  had 
twenty-nine  of  their  number  killed,  and  lost  twenty-five  heads  to 
the  Igorot  of  Besao. 

The  people  of  Agsimo  and  Balantai  suffered  defeat  in  a  raid  car- 
ried on  against  Dagara  in  1907,  and  at  the  time  of  our  visit  a 
number  of  the  warriors  still  bore  open  wounds  received  in  that  fight. 
In  the  same  year  at  least  three  unsuccessful  attacks,  probably  by 
lone  warriors,  were  made  against  individuals  of  Lagangilang,  Likuan, 
and  Lakub. 

Accounts  of  earlier  travelers  offer  undoubted  proof  that  head- 
hunting was  rampant  a  generation  ago;  while  the  folk-tales  feature 
the  taking  of  heads  as  one  of  the  most  important  events  in  Tinguian 
life. 

37i 


372  The  Tinguian 

The  first  incentive  for  head-taking  is  in  connection  with  funeral 
rites.  According  to  ancient  custom  it  was  necessary,  following  the 
death  of  an  adult,  for  the  men  of  the  village  to  go  out  on  a  head- 
hunt, and  until  they  had  done  so,  the  relatives  of  the  deceased  were 
barred  from  wearing  good  clothing,  from  taking  part  in  any  pastimes 
or  festivals,  and  their  food  was  of  the  poorest  and  meanest  quality. 
To  remove  this  ban,  the  warriors  would  don  white  head-bands,  arm 
themselves,  and  sally  forth  either  to  attack  a  hostile  village  or  to 
ambush  an  unsuspecting  foe.  Neighboring  villages  were,  out  of  neces- 
sity, usually  on  good  terms,  but  friendly  relations  seldom  extended 
beyond  the  second  or  third  settlement,  a  distance  of  ten  or  fifteen 
miles.  Beyond  these  limits  most  of  the  people  were  considered  enemies 
and  subject  to  attack. 

While  such  a  raid  was  both  justifiable  and  necessary  to  the  village 
in  which  a  death  had  occurred,  it  was  considered  an  unprovoked  at- 
tack by  the  raided  settlement ;  a  challenge  and  an  insult  which  had  to 
be  avenged.  Thus  feuds  were  established,  some  of  which  ran  through 
many  years,  and  resulted  in  considerable  loss  of  life.  A  town,  which 
had  lost  to  another  a  greater  number  of  heads  than  they  had  secured, 
was  in  honor  bound  to  even  the  score,  and  thus  another  cause  for 
battle  was  furnished.  The  man  who  actually  succeeded  in  taking  a 
head  was  received  with  great  acclaim  upon  his  return  to  the  village; 
he  was  the  hero  in  the  festival  which  followed,  and  thereafter  was 
held  in  high  esteem,  and  so  another  motive  was  furnished.1 

There  is  an  indication  in  the  Saloko  ceremony  that  heads  may 
have  been  taken  to  cure  headache  and  similar  ills  (cf.  p.  319)  ;  while 
the  presence  of  the  head-basket,  of  the  same  name,  in  the  fields  sug- 
gests a  possible  connection  between  head-hunting  and  the  rice  culture, 
such  as  still  exists  among  the  neighboring  Kalinga.2 

The  Tinguian  do  not  now,  and  apparently  never  have  practised 
human  sacrifice,  but  this  custom  and  head-hunting  seem  to  be  closely 
related,  and  to  have  as  a  primary  cause  the  desire  to  furnish  slaves 
or  companions  for  the  dead.  This  idea  was  found  among  the  ancient 
Tagalog,  Visayan,  and  Zambal,  and  still  exists  among  the  Apayao 
of  Northern  Luzon ;  the  Bagobo,  Mandaya,  Bila-an,  and  Tagakaola  of 

1  Head-hunting  is  widespread  in  this  part  of  the  world.  It  is  found  in 
Assam,  in  the  Solomon  Islands,  in  Borneo,  Formosa,  and,  it  is  said,  was  formerly 
practiced  in  Japan.  See  Hodson  {Folklore,  June,  1909,  p.  109)  ;  Rivers,  History 
of  Melanesian  Society,  Vol.  II,  p.  259  (Cambridge,  1914)  ;  Hose  and  McDoug- 
all,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vols.  I-II  (London,  1912)  ;  Shinji  Ishii  (Trans- 
actions Japan  Soc.  of  London,  Vol.  XIV,  pp.  7,  et  seq.). 

2  See  Worcester,  The  Non-Christian  Tribes  of  Northern  Luzon  (Philippine 
Journal  of  Science,  Vol.  I,  p.  824,  Manila,  1906). 


Warfare,  Hunting,  and  Fishing  373 

Mindanao;  as  well  as  in  Borneo  and  the  islands  to  the  south.1  That 
it  once  had  a  strong  hold  on  the  Ilocano  of  the  coast  is  made  evident 
by  the  mysterious  cult  known  as  axibrong,  which  at  times  terrifies 
whole  communities.  In  1907  the  region  about  Bangui,  in  Ilocos  Norte, 
was  greatly  excited  over  several  attempts  to  kill  people  of  that  settle- 
ment, and  it  was  whispered  that  when  a  leading  man,  who  had  recently 
died,  was  placed  in  his  coffin,  his  right  hand  had  suddenly  raised 
up  with  four  fingers  extended.  This,  it  was  said,  was  a  demand  on  the 
part  of  the  dead  for  four  companions,  and  the  subsequent  attacks 
on  the  villagers  were  thought  to  be  due  to  the  activities  of  the  bereaved 
family  in  complying  with  the  wishes  of  the  deceased. 

The  raids  following  a  death  were  usually  carried  out  as  a  village 
affair,  and  many  warriors  participated,  but  it  seems  that  by  far  the 
greater  number  of  heads  were  secured  by  individuals  or  couples,  who 
would  lie  in  ambush  near  to  the  trails,  or  to  the  places,  where  the 
women  had  to  pass  in  carrying  water  from  the  streams  to  the  village. 

While  the  Tinguian  always  chose  to  attack  from  ambush,  yet  he 
did  not  hesitate  to  fight  in  the  open  when  occasion  demanded  it.  For 
a  distance  of  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  he  depended  on  his  spear,  but  for 
close  quarters  he  relied  on  his  shield  and  head-axe.  An  examination 
of  Plate  XLIV  will  show  that  the  shield  has  three  prongs  at  the  top. 
These  the  warrior  seeks  to  slip  between  the  legs  of  his  enemy  to  trip 
him  up,  then  one  stroke  downward  with  the  axe,  and  the  opponent 
is  put  out  of  the  fight.  The  two  lower  prongs  are  meant  to  be  slipped 
about  the  neck.  One  more  stroke  of  the  head-axe,  and  the  victor  takes 
his  trophy  and  starts  for  home,  while  the  relatives  of  the  dead  man 
seek  to  secure  the  remains  to  carry  them  back  to  their  village.  As  the 
loss  of  a  head  reflects  on  the  whole  party,  and  in  a  like  manner  its 
acquisition  adds  distinction  to  the  victors,  a  hot  fight  usually  develops 
over  a  man  who  is  stricken  down,  and  only  ceases  when  the  enemy  is 
beaten  off,  or  has  been  successful  in  getting  away  with  the  trophy. 

If  a  war  party  finds  it  necessary  to  make  a  night  camp,  or  if  they 
are  hard  pressed  by  the  foe,  they  plant  long,  thin  strips  of  bamboo  or 
palma  brava?  in  the  grass.  The  ends  of  these  are  cut  to  sharp  points, 
and  they  are  so  cleverly  concealed  that  pursuers  must  use  great  care, 

1  See  Blair  and  Robertson,  The  Philippine  Islands,  Vols.  V,  p.  137 ;  XXI, 
p.  140;  XXXIV,  p.  377 ;  XL,  pp.  80-81 ;  XLVII,  p.  313;  XLVIII,  p.  57.  Cole, 
Distribution  of  the  Non-Christian  Tribes  of  Northwestern  Luzon  {Am.  Anth., 
N.  S.,  Vol.  XI,  1909,  p.  340)  ;  Cole,  The  Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District,  Minda- 
nao (pub.  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Vol.  XII  No.  2,  p.  114,  et  seq.). 

1  These  are  called  soga.  Their  use  is  widespread  in  the  Philippines,  in 
Malaysia  generally,  and  even  extends  into  upper  Burma.  See  Shakespear,  His- 
tory of  Upper  Assam,  Upper  Burmah  and  Northeastern  Frontier,  pp.  186, 
et  scq.  (London,  1914).    Marsden,  Hist,  of  Sumatra,  p.  310  (London,  1811). 


374  The  Tinguian 

and  consequently  lose  much  time,  or  they  will  have  their  legs  and  feet 
pierced  with  these  needle-like  blades. 

Upon  their  return  to  the  village,  the  warriors  were  formerly  met 
at  the  gate  by  their  relatives,  who  held  two  ladders  in  A  shape,  thus 
forming  a  pathway  over  which  each  had  to  climb.  Once  inside  the 
town,  the  heads  were  placed  on  a  bamboo  spike  known  as  sagang 
(cf.  p.  310),  or  in  the  saloko  (cf.  p.  310),  and  for  three  days  were 
exhibited  beside  the  gate.  In  the  meantime  messages  were  sent  to 
friendly  villages  to  invite  the  people  to  the  celebration. 

On  the  morning  of  the  last  day,  the  heads  were  carried  up  to  the 
center  of  the  village,  where,  amid  great  rejoicing,  the  men  sang  the 
praises  of  the  victors  or  examined  the  skulls  of  the  victims.  Sometime 
during  the  morning,  the  men  who  had  taken  the  heads  split  them  open 
with  their  axes  and  removed  the  brains.  To  these  they  added  the  lobes 
of  the  ears  and  joints  of  the  little  fingers,  and  they  placed  the  whole 
in  the  liquor  which  was  afterwards  served  to  the  dancers.  There  seems 
to  be  no  idea  here  of  eating  the  brains  of  the  slain  as  food.  They  are 
consumed  solely  to  secure  a  part  of  their  valor,  an  idea  widespread 
among  the  tribes  of  Mindanao.1  The  writer  does  not  believe  that  any 
people  of  the  Philippines  indulges  in  cannibalism,  if  that  term  is  used 
to  signify  the  eating  of  human  flesh  as  food.  Several,  like  the  Tinguian, 
have  or  still  do  eat  a  portion  of  the  brain,  the  heart  or  liver  of  brave 
warriors,  but  always,  it  appears,  with  the  idea  of  gaining  the  valor,  or 
other  desirable  qualities  of  the  victims. 

The  balance  of  the  head  festival  consisted  in  the  drinking  of  sugar 
cane  rum,  of  songs  of  praise  by  the  headmen,  and  finally  all  joined 
in  dancing  da-eng.  Just  before  the  guests  were  ready  to  depart,  the 
skulls  were  broken  into  small  bits,  and  the  fragments  were  distributed 
to  the  guests  so  that  they  might  taken  them  to  their  homes,  and  thus 
be  reminded  of  the  valor  of  the  takers.2  This  disposition  of  the  skull 
agrees  with  that  of  many  Apayao  towns,3  but  it  does  not  conform 
with  the  description  of  ancient  times  afforded  us  in  the  tales,4  nor 


1  See  Cole,  Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District  (Field  Museum  of  Nat.  Hist., 
Vol  XII,  No.  2,  p.  94). 

2  This  description  is  partially  taken  from  the  account  of  Paul  P.  de  La 
Gironiere,  probably  the  one  white  man,  who  has  witnessed  this  rite  (see  Twenty 
Years  in  the  Philippines,  p.  108,  London,  1853),  and  from  the  stories  of  many 
old  men,  who  themselves  have  participated  in  the  head-hunts  and  subsequent 
celebrations. 

8  See  Cole,  Distribution  of  the  Non-Christian  Tribes  of  Northwestern 
Luzon   (Am.  Anthropologist,  N.  S.,  Vol.  XI,  No.  3,  1909,  p.  340). 

4  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  1,  p.  22. 


Warfare,  Hunting,  and  Fishing 


375 


with  the  practices  of  the  Kalinga  and  Igorot  people,  both  of  whom 
preserve  the  trophy. 

The  weapons  of  the  warriors  consists*  of  a  spear,  head-axe,  and 
shield,  and  the  small  bamboo  spikes  known  as  soga.  They  do  not  make 
use  of  the  bow  and  arrow,  although  they  have  been  credited  as  possess- 
ing them.1  The  old  men  claim  it  has  not  been  used  in  their  lifetime,  nor 
is  mention  made  of  it  in  the  folk-tales.  The  only  time  it  appears  is 
in  the  crude  weapons  used  in  shooting  fish  in  the  rice-fields,  and  in 
the  miniature  bow  and  arrow,  which  hang  above  the  heads  of  a  new- 
born child. 

Bolos,  or  long  knives,  are  carried  at  the  side  suspended  from  the 


Fig.  7. 
types  of  knives. 

belt,  and  upon  occasion  may  be  used  as  weapons.  However,  they  are 
generally  considered  as  tools  (Fig.  7). 

The  head- axe,  aliwa  or  gaman  (see  Fig.  8).— The  axes  made  by 
the  Tinguian  and  Kalinga  are  identical,  probably  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  center  of  distribution,  as  well  as  the  best  iron  work  of  this  region, 
is  found  in  Balbalasang — a  town  of  mixed  Tinguian  and  Kalinga 
blood.  The  blade  is  long  and  slender  with  a  crescent-shape  cutting 


1Jenks,  The  Bontoc  Igorot,  p.  123  (Manila,  1005);  Kroeber,  The  Peoples 
of  the  Philippines  (Am.  Museum  Nat.  Hist.,  Handbook  Series,  No.  3,  p.  165, 
New  York,  1919). 


376 


The  Tinguian 


edge  on  one  end,  and  a  long  projecting  spine  on  the  other.  This  pro- 
jection is  strictly  utilitarian.  It  is  driven  into  the  ground  so  as  to  sup- 
port the  blade  upright,  when  it  is  desired  to  have  both  hands  free  to 
draw  meat  or  other  articles  over  the  cutting  edge.  It  is  also  driven  into 


the  soil,  and  acts  as  a  support  when  its  owner  is  climbing  steep  or 
slippery  banks. 

The  blade  fits  into  a  long  steel  ferrule  which,  in  turn,  slips  onto  a 
wooden  handle.  The  latter  may  be  straight  or  plain,  but  commonly 


Warfare,  Hunting,  and  Fishing  377 

it  has  a  short  projection  midway  of  its  length,  which  serves  as  a  finger- 
hold and  as*  a  hook  for  attachment  to  the  belt.  Quite  frequently  the 
handle  is  decorated  with  thin  circles  or  bands  of  brass,  while  orna- 
mental designs  sometimes  appear  on  the  blade. 

While  the  axe  is  primarily  a  weapon,  its  use  is  by  no  means  con- 
fined to  warfare.  It  is  used  in  house  and  fence  building,  in  cutting 
up  game  and  forest  products,  and  in  many  other  ways.  Fig.  8  shows 
three  types  of  head-axes,  the  first  two,  the  Tinguian-Kalinga  axe; 
third,  the  Igorot ;  fourth,  the  Apayao.  There  is  a  noticeable  difference 
between  the  slender  blades  of  the  first  group  and  the  short,  thick  blade 
of  the  Igorot,  yet  they  are  of  the  same  general  type.  The  Apayao 
weapon,  on  the  other  hand,  presents  a  radical  difference  in  form. 
Despite  these  variations,  the  axes  of  these  three  tribes  present  an  inter- 
esting problem.  So  far  as  it  known,  these  are  the  only  tribes  in  the 
Philippines  which  make  use  of  a  head-axe,  and  it  is  believed  that  no 
similar  weapon  is  found  in  the  Malayan  Islands.  However,  blades 
of  striking  resemblance  do  occur  among  the  Naga  of  Assam.1  It  is 
possible  that  the  weapons  of  these  far  separated  regions  may  hark 
back  to  a  comnion  source,  from  which  they  received  their  instruction 
in  iron  working. 

The  Spear,  plka. — The  various  types  of  spears  used  by  the  Tin- 
guian  are  shown  in  Fig.  9. 


A  considerable  part  of  these  are  made  in  the  villages  along  the 
upper  reaches  of  the  Buklok  river  and  in  Balbalasang,  but  many  come 
into  Abra  through  trade  with  the  Igorot  and  Kalinga.  They  are  used 

'Egerton,  Handbook  of  Indian  Arms  (Wm.  Allen  and  Co.,  London,  1880), 
p.  84;  Siiakespear,  History  of  Upper  Assam.  Burma  and  Northeastern  Frontier 
(MacMillan,  London,  1914),  p.  197,  illustration. 


378  The  Tinguian 

for  hunting  and  fighting,  and  are  intended  both  as  thrusting  and 
throwing  weapons.  In  the  lowlands  the  older  type  of  spear-head  is 
a  modified  leaf  shape,  attached  to  a  ferrule  which  slips  over  the 
shaft.  In  the  mountains,  heads  with  two  or  more  barbs  are  set  into 
the  handles,  and  are  held  in  place  by  means  of  wooden  wedges  and 
by  metal  rings  which  surround  the  ends  of  the  shafts.  A  metal  end 
or  shoe  covers  the  butt  end  of  the  weapon,  thus  converting  it  into 
an  excellent  staff  for  mountain  climbing. 

Occasionally  a  hunting  spear  is  fitted  with  a  detachable  head,  which 
will  pull  out  of  the  socket  when  an  animal  is  struck.  The  shaft  is 
attached  to  the  point  by  means  of  a  heavy  line,  and  as  this  drags 
through  the  undergrowth,  it  becomes  entangled  and  thus  delays  the 
flight  of  the  game. 

Shields,  kalasag. — Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  typical 
Tinguian-Kalinga  shield  (cf.  p.  373).  While  this  is  the  common  type  of 
the  region  (Fig.  10,  Nos.  i-ia),  others,  which  approach  those  of 
the  Bontoc  Igorot,  are  frequently  used  (Fig.  10,  No.  2).  As  a  rule, 
these  come  from  Balatok,  Lubuagan,  Guinaan  and  the  villages  along 
the  Malokbot  river,  all  of  which  are  strongly  influenced  in  blood  and 
culture  by  the  Igorot.  In  the  latter  shields  we  find  the  prongs  at  the 
top  and  bottom,  but  they  are  no  longer  of  sufficient  size  and  opening 
to  be  of  practical  value.  The  clue  to  their  origin  is  probably  afforded 
us  in  their  use  by  the  Tinguian. 

Across  the  top  and  bottom  of  each  shield,  near  to  the  prongs,  are 
two  or  three  braided  bands  which  appear  to  be  ornamental,  or  to 
strengthen  the  weapon.  Their  real  use,  however,  is  to  hold  the  soga, 
the  pointed  bamboo  sticks  which  are  planted  in  the  grass  to  delay 
pursuers.  A  half  dozen  or  more  of  these  are  usually  to  be  found  under 
the  braiding  at  the  back  of  the  shield. 

All  shields  are  of  very  light  wood,  and  can  easily  be  pierced  by  a 
spear.  They  are  intended  to  be  used  in  deflecting  missels  rather  than 
actually  to  stop  them.  To  aid  in  this  purpose,  there  is  a  hand  grip  cut 
into  the  center  of  the  back.  This  is  large  enough  to  admit  the  first  three 
fingers,  while  the  thumb  and  little  finger  are  left  outside  to  tilt  the 
shield  to  the  proper  angle. 

Hunting  (Plates  XLV-XLVI). — Hunting  must  be  considered 
more  in  the  nature  of  a  sport  than  as  a  necessity,  for,  while  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  game  is  taken  each  year,  it  is  not  enough  to  fur- 
nish an  important  part  of  the  food  supply.  As  we  have  already  noted, 
a  great  part  of  the  country  occupied  by  this  tribe  is  devoid  of  forests. 
Dense  growths  do  occur  in  some  valleys  and  ravines,  and  a  few  of 


Warfare,  Hunting,  and  Fishing 


379 


the  mountains,  like  Posoey,  are  heavily  forested,  but  for  the  p'ost  part 
the  western  slopes  of  the  Cordillera  Central  are  covered  with  rank 
cogon  grass.  In  the  ravines  and  on  the  wooded  slopes  are  deer,  pig, 
wild  carabao,  and  wild  chickens,  and  during  the  dry  season  of  the 
year  it  is  no  uncommon  thing  to  see  a  considerable  number  of  men 
leaving  the  village  at  daybreak  with  their  dogs,  spears,  and  nets.  The 


1  i  A  2 

FIG.  10. 

SHIELDS. 

• 

customary  method  of  hunting  the  larger  animals  is  to  stretch  long  nets 
across  the  runway  of  the  game.  A  number  of  the  hunters,  armed  with 
spears,  conceal  themselves  near  by,  while  the  balance  of  the  party 
take  the  dogs  to  a  distance  and  then,  spreading  out  fan-shape,  will 
converge  on  the  net,  beating  the  brush  and  shouting  in  order  to  stir 
up  the  game.  The  dogs,  sullen,  half-starved  brutes,  take  little  interest 


380  The  Tinguian 

in  the  chase  until  an  animal  is  started,  then  they  begin  to  bay,  and  the 
whole  pack  is  in  pursuit.  As  the  quarry  rushes  into  the  net,  the  con- 
cealed hunters  fall  upon  it  and  spear  it  to  death,  at  the  same  time 
fighting  back  the  hungry  dogs  which  would  quickly  devour  it.  Some- 
times an  animal  escapes  from  the  net,  but  if  wounded,  it  is  almost 
certain  to  fall  a  prey  to  the  pack.  Many  deer  are  taken  by  this  method 
in  the  course  of  a  year.  Sometimes  a  wild  pig  is  netted,  and  on  ex- 
ceedingly rare  occasions  a  carabao.  However,  the  wild  carabao  is  a 
dangerous  animal,  and  hunters  will  not  attack  it  unless  it  is  so  en- 
tangled in  the  nets  that  it  is  practically  helpless.  Still  hunting  for 
deer,  near  to  the  feeding  grounds,  yields  a  few  animals  each  year,  and 
during  the  period  when  the  lumboy  (Eugenia  jambolana  Lam.)  are  in 
fruit,  the  hunters  often  hide  themselves  in  the.  trees  at  night,  and 
spear  the  pigs  which  come  below  them  to  feed. 


fig.  11. 
Chicken  Snare. 

Wild  hogs  are  also  secured  by  placing  a  close  fence  about  a  field. 
One  or  two  small  entrances  are  left  open  and  inside  of  these,  deep  pits 
are  dug,  and  are  covered  with  brush.  As  the  animal  pushes  in,  it 
steps  on  the  frail  covering,  and  is  hurled  to  the  bottom  of  the  pit, 
where  it  is  easily  dispatched  with  the  spear. 

Among  the  smaller  game,  the  wild  chicken  is  the  most  important. 
These  fowls  seldom  fly,  but  seek  safety  by  running  through  the  under- 
brush. The  Tinguian  takes  advantage  of  this  trait,  and  stretches  nets 
loosely  in  the  probable  runway  of  the  birds,  and  then  drives  them 
toward  it  in  the  same  manner,  as  he  does  the  deer.  As  the  fowl  runs 
full  speed  into  the  loose  net,  it  folds  about  him,  and  he  is  easily  taken. 

The  most  common  method  of  securing  wild  roosters  is  by  means 
of  a  series  of  slip  nooses  attached  to  a  main  cord  or  band  (Fig.  11). 


Warfare,  Hunting,  and  Fishing  381 

This  is  set  up  so  as  to  enclose  a  square  or  triangular  space,  and  a  tame 
rooster  is  put  inside.  The  crowing  of  this  bird  attracts  the  attention 
of  the  wild  fowl  who  comes  in  to  fight.  Soon,  in  the  excitement  of 
the  combat,  one  is  caught  in  a  noose,  and  the  harder  it  pulls,  the  more 
securely  it  is  held.  At  times  the  trap  is  baited  with  worms  or  grain. 
The  snare  is  carried  in  a  basket-like  case,  which  is  often  fitted  with  a 
compartment  for  the  decoy  rooster.1 

Another  type  of  chicken  snare  consists  of  a  single  noose,  which 
rests  on  two  elevated  strips  of  bamboo.  The  other  end  of  the  cord  is 
attached  to  a  bent  limb,  held  down  by  means  of  a  small  trigger,  which 
slips  under  a  cross  strip.  The  game  is  led  onto  the  trap  by  scattering 
grain.  The  weight  of  the  bird  releases  the  trigger,  the  bent  twig  flies 
up,  and  the  noose  is  drawn  tightly. 

Small  birds  are  captured  in  considerable  numbers  by  the  boys 
who,  for  this  purpose,  make  use  of  three  types  of  snares.  The  first 
and  most  common  is  a  simple  slip  noose  made  of  human  or  horse 
hair  attached  to  a  stick.  Several  of  these  are  driven  into  the  ground 
close  together,  and  grain  is  scattered  between  them.  A  second  type  of 
noose  trap  is  shown  in  Fig. .  12,  No.  I.  A  Bamboo  pole  a  with 
sharpened  end  has  a  spring  b  of  the  same  material  attached  to  its  side. 
A  cord  from  this  passes  through  a  small  hole  in  the  top  of  a,  and  then 
forms  a  slip  noose.  A  small  stick  or  trigger  c  is  forced  into  the  hole 
until  firm  enough  to  keep  the  line  held  taut,  and  the  noose  is  spread 
on  it.  Bait  is  placed  on  the  point  of  o  in  such  a  manner  that  the  bird 
has  to  alight  on  c  to  secure  it.  Its  weight  releases  the  trigger^  and  the 
noose  is  drawn  tightly  around  its  legs.  Another  trap  of  this  nature 
is  illustrated  by  Fig.  12,  No.  2.  Here  a  branch  is  bent  down  and  a 
line  is  attached.  The  trigger  stick  a  slips  outside  b,  and  the  pressure 
holds  the  free  stick  c  in  place  against  the  crotch.  Bait  is  so  placed  on  d 
that  a  bird  coming  to  secure  it  must  stand  inside  the  slip  noose  which 
is  spread  on  c.  The  weight  and  movement  of  the  victim  releases  the 
trigger,  draws  the  line  taut,  and  closes  the  noose  about  its  legs. 

In  the  lowland  villages,  blowguns  (salbalana)  are  used  to  a  limited 
extent  in  hunting  birds.  Two  long  strips  of  palm  wood  are  grooved 
and  fitted  together.  Over  these  the  intestines  of  a  carabao  are  drawn, 
and  the  whole  is  wrapped  tightly  with  cord  and  covered  with  beeswax. 
The  guns  vary  from  12  to  16  feet  in  length,  and  are  often  excellently 
made,  yet  they  are  little  better  than  toys,  for  the  missels  used  are 
only  clay  balls.    Poison  darts  are  unknown  in  this  region,  and  the 

1  This  type  of  snare  is  used  by  nearly  all  Philippine  tribes,  and  it  is  also 
widespread  in  Malaysia. 


382 


The  Tinguian 


FIG.  12. 
Bird  Snares. 


Warfare,  Hunting,  and  Fishing  383 

weapon  is  confined  to  the  villages  near  to  the  coast.  This,  together 
with  the  fact  that  the  blowgun  does  not  appear  in  the  lore  or  cere- 
monies, suggests  that  it  of  recent  introduction   (Plate  XLVII). 

Locusts  are  considered  excellent  food,  and  when  they  are  flying 
in  great  numbers,  are  taken  by  means  of  small  nets.  These  are  at- 
tached to  poles,  and  are  swung  into  the  swarm.  Sometimes  nearly  the 
whole  village  will  unite  in  such  a  hunt,  the  catch  being  stored  in 
large  bottle-shaped  baskets  until  needed. 

Bats  and  rats  are  not  eaten,  but  the  latter  are  trapped  and  killed 
because  of  the  grain  they  destroy  and  the  injury  they  do  to  the  houses 
and  their  contents.  The  most  common  trap  is  made  from  a  section  of 
bamboo  in  one  side  of  which  a  spring  is  inserted.  A  line  attached 
to  this  leads  to  a  slip  noose  which  fits  inside  the  tube.  Bait  is  at- 
tached to  a  trigger  which,  when  disturbed,  releases  the  spring  and 
closes  the  loop  around  the  intruder. 

Fishing. — Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  capture  of 
fish  by  the  children.  Older  people  likewise  devote  some  time  to  fish- 
ing, but  not  to  the  extent  of  making  it  an  occupation.  Nearly  every 
family  has  a  collection  of  traps  and  lines,  and  at  times  quite  a  num- 
ber of  fish  and  eels  are  secured. 

The  common  trap  is  shown  in  Fig.  13,  No.  1.  The  entrance  is 
made  of  sharp  bamboo  splints,  which  converge  toward  a  small  hole 
opening  into  the  trap  proper.  The  device  is  then  placed  in  the  water 
in  such  a  way  that  fish  coming  downstream  will  be  diverted  into  the 
opening.  The  current  and  the  natural  inclination  of  the  fish  to  go  into 
a  dark  hiding-place  causes  them  to  force  their  way  into  the  trap, 
and  once  in  they  cannot  emerge.  The  water  escapes  through  the  bam- 
boo slits,  but  the  fish  can  only  be  released  by  opening  the  small  end 
of  the  trap. 

Many  of  the  women  carry  baskets  attached  to  the  belt  at  the 
hip.  The  tops  of  these  baskets  have  funnel-shaped  openings,  and  are 
immediately  available  for  use  as  traps,  if  a  good  catch  is  in  propsect 
(Fig.  13,  No.  2).  These  are  usually  employed  for  shrimps  and  min- 
nows. Eels  are  caught  in  long,  round  traps  of  rattan  and  bamboo. 
A  frog  is  fastened  in  the  far  end  of  the  tube,  usually  with  a  fish- 
hook. This  is  attached  to  a  rattan  spring,  which  is  connected  with  the 
door  of  the  trap.  The  eel  enters  and  seizes  the  frog,  but  as  it  starts 
to  back  out,  it  releases  the  bent  rattan,  and  the  door  is  pulled  shut. 

Small  hand  nets,  spread  apart  by  means  of  sticks  held  in  the  hands, 
are  used  by  women  in  scooping  up  small  fish.  Ordinarily,  it  is  scooped 
away  from  the  body,  but  if  a  fish  takes  refuge  under  a  rock,  the  net 


3«4 


The  Tinguian 


«  £3 

Q 

C3     o 


Warfare,  Hunting,  and  Fishing  385 

is  placed  under  the  opposite  side,  and  the  stone  is  turned  over  with 
the  foot. 

The  most  effective  fishing-device  is  a  large  throw  net  made  cor- 
nucopia shape.  The  large  net  is  open  and  weighted  with  many  sinkers 
of  lead.  The  man  throws  the  net  with  a  full  arm  sweeping  motion, 
so  that  it  spreads  to  its  full  extent,  and  all  the  sinkers  strike  the  water 
at  the  same  time.  The  splash  causes  all  the  fish  inside  the  circle  to 
dart  inward,  and  as  it  sinks,  the  net  settles  over  them.  The  fisherman 
draws  in  the  cord  attached  to  the  small  end,  causing  the  sinkers  to 
drag  along  to  the  bottom  until  directly  beneath  him,  when  their  weight 
closes  the  net.  It  requires  much  skill  and  practice  to  throw  this  net 
properly,  but  once  the  art  is  mastered,  the  fisherman  is  very  successful. 

Blanket  fishing  similar  to  that  in  use  by  the  neighboring  Igorot 
is  found  here.  A  large  blanket  is  weighed  down  with  stones,  and  is 
placed  in  the  river.  After  one  or  two  hours  have  elapsed,  a  number 
of  men  form  a  wide  circle  around  it.  Often  they  drag  between  them 
a  rope  to  which  many  corn  husks  are  attached.  As  they  advance  to- 
ward the  blanket,  they  turn  the  larger  stones  with  their  feet  so  that 
any  fish  hiding  beneath  them  will  be  frightened  away.  The  circle  of 
men  and  corn  husks  causes  the  fish  to  go  toward  the  blanket,  and 
finally  to  take  refuge  under  the  stones  piled  upon  it.  When  the  blanket 
is  reached,  the  men  seize  the  corners  and  lift  it  out  of  the  water  on 
to  the  bank,  where  the  stones  are  thrown  out  and  the  fish  secured. 
A  somewhat  similar  idea  is  found  in  the  lama.  Quantities  of  leaf 
branches  are  sunk  into  a  still  pool,  and  are  left  for  a  few  days  until 
the  fish  have  come  to  use  them  as  a  hiding-place.  A  number  of  men 
make  a  close  fence  of  bamboo  sticks  about  them,  then  go  inside, 
throw  out  the  branches,  and  catch  the  fish  with  their  hands  or  with 
the  nets.  Streams  are  often  diverted  from  their  course,  for  a  time, 
and  then  returned,  leaving  the  fish  in  the  artificial  channels  stranded. 

A  curious  method  of  fishing  was  seen  in  the  Ikmin  river.  A  hook 
was  fastened  in  the  end  of  a  bamboo  pole,  and  close  to  this  a  minnow 
was  attached  to  a  short  line,  to  act  as  a  lure.  When  the  other  fish  ap- 
proached the  captive,  the  pole  was  jerked  sharply,  in  an  attempt  to 
snag  them.  On  one  occasion  the  writer  saw  fifty  fish  taken  by  this 
method  in  less  than  an  hour. 

Short  lines  attached  to  sticks  are  often  baited,  and  are  set  along 
the  embankments  of  the  flooded  rice-fields.  Small  fish  spears  with 
detachable  heads  are  also  used  in  the  rice  lands,  as  well  as  in  the 
clear  pools.  The  only  occasion  when  the  bow  and  arrow  is  used  in 
this  region  is  when  the  rice  fields  are  flooded.  At  such  times  a  short 


386  The  Tinguian 

bow  and  an  arrow  with  fork-shaped  head  are  employed  (Fig.  13, 
Nos.  3~3a).  A  fish  poison  or  stupifier  is  occasionally  used.  A  small  red 
berry  known  as  baiyatin  is  crushed,  and  the  powder  is  thrown  into  or 
just  above  quiet  pools,  where  fish  abound.  Some  of  the  fish  become 
stupified  and  float  on  the  surface,  where  they  are  quickly  speared 
or  scooped  up.  They  are  eaten  without  any  ill  effects. 


VIII.     ECONOMIC  LIFE 


Rice  Culture. — The  most  important  crop  raised  by  the  Tinguian 
is  fice,  and  to  its  cultivation  he  devotes  a  considerable  portion  of  his 
time.  Two  distinct  methods  of  growing  are  now  found  throughout 
the  district — the  mountain  or  upland  fields,  in  which  the  rice  is  raised 
without  irrigation;  and  the  rice  terraces  with  irrigation1  (Plate 
XLVIII).  To  prepare  the  first  type  of  field,  a  piece  of  forest  land 
is  chosen  if  possible,  or  lacking  this,  a  plot  covered  with  second 
growth  is  selected.  The  purpose  in  using  timber  land  is  to  escape 
the  cogon  grass  (Imperata  koenigii),  which  quickly  invades  all  open 


fig.  14. 
Grass  knife;  Root  adze;  Rice  Cutter. 

fields,  and  flourishes  until  the  trees  again  shut  out  the  sunlight.  The 
trees  and  underbrush  are  cut  down  during  the  dry  season,  so  that  they 
may  be  ready  for  burning  before  the  arrival  of  the  first  rains.  Should 
no  timber  land  be  available,  an  open  piece  will  be  selected,  and  after 
the  grass  is  burned,  the  soil  will  be  partially  cleared  of  its  stubborn 
roots  by  means  of  a  large  knife  or  adze-like  instrument  known  as 
paliek  (Fig.  14,  No.  2). 

'The   mountain    rice   is   known    as    langpadan,   the   lowland    rice   as    pagF.y 
(Ilocano  palay). 

387 


388  The  Tinguian 

After  the  clearing,  the  field  is  fenced  in  so  as  to  protect  it  from 
deer,  wild  pigs,  and  carabao.  The  rudest  type  of  protection  consists 
of  a  barricade  of  brush,  strengthened  with  forked  sticks,  in  the  crotches 
of  which  poles  are  laid.  The  more  common  method  is  to  set  bamboo 
tubes,  at  intervals,  around  the  whole  plot  and  to  lash  to  them  other 
tubes  which  have  been  split  in  half.  A  still  better  fence  is  made  by 
cutting  three  holes,  about  a  foot  apart,  through  each  upright  and  to 
insert  smaller  bamboo  through  these. 

When  the  rains  begin,  the  men  go  to  the  fields,  each  with  two 
hardwood  sticks  whittled  to  tapering  rounded  ends.  These  are  driven 
alternately  into  the  soil  making  shallow  holes  an  inch  or  so  in  depth, 
into  each  of  which  the  women  drop  several  seed  rice.  The  whole  field 
is  gone  over  in  this  way;  soil  is  pushed  into  the  holes  with  the  feet, 
and  frequently  the  task  is  finished  by  sowing  a  few  handfuls  of  seed 
broadcast  and  distributing  it  by  brushing  back  and  forth  with  a  leafy 
branch.1 

In  the  valley  districts  the  planting  sticks  are  cut  as  needed,  but  in 
the  mountains,  where  the  upland  rice  is  more  important,  strong  bam- 
boo poles  fitted  with  hardwood  points  are  in  general  use.  These  im- 
plements, known  as  tEpon  (Fig.  15,  No.  1),  are  invariably  carefully 
decorated  with  incised  designs,  and  are  preserved  from  year  to  year. 
Commonly,  the  divisions  between  the  sections  of  the  bamboo  are 
knocked  out  and  the  tube  used  as  a  receptacle  for  the  seed  rice. 

As  the  mountain  fields  need  special  protection,  it  is  customary  to 
build  near  them  little  elevated  houses  in  which  the  workers  may  rest, 
and  in  which  the  watchers  can  live  during  the  time  the  grain  must 
be  guarded.  If  the  plots  are  near  to  a  village,  such  a  house  seldom 
consists  of  more  than  a  rude  framework  of  poles,  which  support  a 
grass  roof,  and  to  which  a  bamboo  floor  is  lashed,  two  or  three  feet 
above  the  ground ;  but  if  the  fields  are  at  a  distance,  these  structures 
are  provided  with  sides,  and  are  raised  high  on  strong  logs.  Such  high, 
well  built  houses  are  necessary,  both  to  protect  the  occupants  from 
surprise  attacks  of  enemies,  and  to  afford  shelter  against  driving 
winds  or  rains.  It  is  not  an  uncommon  occurrence  for  a  whole  family 
to  go  to  one  of  these  isolated  mountain  dwellings  and  reside  for  a  con- 
siderable period,  particularly  when  the  rice  is  approaching  maturity. 

These  upland  fields  produce  much  smaller  crops  than  do  the  wet 
lands,  and  as  they  are  quickly  exhausted,  it  is  not  customary  to  plant 
them  to  rice  for  more  than  two  seasons.  At  the  end  of  this  time,  they 

1  This  is  similar  to  the  method  followed  in  Sumatra.  See  Marsden,  History 
of  Sumatra,  3d  ed.,  pp.  71-72    (London,  1811). 


Economic  Life  389 

may  be  used  for  camotcs  {Convolvulus  batatas),  sugar-cane,  or  cot- 
ton, but  in  the  majority  of  cases  they  are  allowed  to  lie  unused  for 
several  seasons,  when  the  grass  or  undergrowth  is  again  removed 
and  the  fields  replanted. 

The  wet  fields  produce  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  rice,  and 
it  is  about  them  that  most  of  the  agricultural  labors  center.  In  the 
broad  valleys,  low  embankments,  of  sufficient  height  to  maintain  the 
water  at  a  depth  of  two  or  three  inches,  separate  the  fields.  The  lower 
plots  are  often  of  considerable  length  and  width,  some  covering  as 
much  as  an  acre  of  ground,  but  as  they  begin  to  ascend  the  slopes,  the 
walls  rise  higher,  and  the  fields  become  narrower  until  they  may  be 
only  a  few  feet  in  width.  In  the  rugged  mountain  districts,  the  ter- 
races often  begin  just  above  the  flood  water  of  the  stream.  At  this 
point,  a  stone  wall,  four  or  five  feet  in  height,  is  erected,  and  back  of 
this  the  mountain  side  is  cut  away  and  filled  in  until  it  forms  a  step  or 
terrace.  Back  of  this  another  wall  is  raised,  and  the  process  is  re- 
peated until  at  last  the  terraces  extend  for  two  or  three  hundred  feet 
up  the  mountain  side  (Plate  XLIXJ.  When  the  field  is  first  made, 
top  soil,  enriched  with  vegetable  growth,  is  laid  on  the  surface,  often 
to  a  depth  of  several  inches,  but  from  this  time  on  no  fertilizer,  other 
than  the  decaying  straw  of  the  previous  crop,  is  added,  although  the 
field  is  used  continuously  for  many  years. 

Water  is  conducted  to  many  of  the  fields  by  means  of  ditches, 
usually  by  diverting  the  flow  of  some  of  the  numerous  springs  or 
streams  but  in  a  few  instances,  stone  dams  have  been  thrown  across 
the  rivers  and  the  water  carried  for  considerable  distances  by  flumes 
and  ditches.  The  highest  terraces  are  first  inundated  to  the  desired 
depth,  and  then  openings  are  made  in  the  side  walls  so  as  to  allow 
the  lower  fields  to  be  flooded.  This  method  of  irrigation  provides  for 
the  maximum  use  of  the  water,  and  also  supplies  a  constant  current 
which  prevents  the  formation  of  stagnant  pools. 

Some  of  the  fields  are  situated  too  far  up  the  mountain  side  to  be 
reached  by  ditches,  and  in  such  cases  the  growth  of  the  rice  is 
entirely  dependent  on  the  rainfall;  however,  in  normal  years,  the 
precipitation  is  sufficient  to  mature  the  crop. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season,  some  of  the  seed  rice  is 
sprouted  in  specially  prepared  beds  in  the  villages.  In  such  cases  a 
small  plot  is  surrounded  with  low  dirt  walls,  the  soil  is  enriched  with 
manure,  water  is  added,  and  the  whole  is  worked  until  it  becomes  a 
thin  mud,  on  which  the  rice  is  thickly  sown.  Around  this  bed,  a  bamboo 
frame  is  erected  to  keep  out  pigs  and  chickens,  while  from  time  to  time 


390  The  Tinguian 

water  is  poured  on  the  growing  shoots.  The  more  common  method  of 
sprouting,  however,  is  to  select  a  piece  of  land,  which  will  receive 
the  full  benefit  of  the  rainfall  and  to  break  this  with  a  plow  drawn 
by  a  carabao. 

When  the  seed  beds  have  been  planted,  the  people  go  to  the  fields, 
repair  the  embankments,  and  admit  the  water.  The  straw  remaining 
from  the  previous  crop  is  allowed  to  rot,  for  a  time,  and  then  the 
ground  is  gone  over  with  a  bamboo  harrow  (patl-id),1  as  shown  in 
Fig.  15,  No.  3,  to  remove  weeds,  branches,  and  the  like.  Wherever  it  is 
possible,  the  soil  is  broken  with  a  plow,  alado  (Plate  L),  but  in  fields  to 
which  animals  cannot  be  taken,  the  ground  is  turned  by  means  of  sharp- 
ened sticks,  or  poles  tipped  with  iron,  which  are  driven  into  the  soil  and 
forced  forward,  thus  pushing  the  earth  above  them  into  the  water.2 
As  will  be  seen  from  the  accompanying  drawing  (Fig.  15,  Nos.  2-2a), 
the  plow  is  constructed  entirely  of  wood  except  for  the  iron  share, 
and  conforms  closely  to  that  used  in  Java,  Celebes,  Sumatra,  Burma, 
and  Annam.3 

Within  a  few  days  after  the  plowing,  the  soil  is  further  broken 
by  dragging  it  with  a  harrow,  made  by  driving  wooden  pegs  into  a 
heavy  board,  or  into  large  bamboo  tubes  (Fig.  15,  No.  4).  A  worker 
stands  on  this,  and  is  dragged  about  the  field,  leveling  it,  and  at  the 
same  time  pulling  out  sticks,  roots,  and  any  other  matter  of  sufficient 
bulk  to  interfere  with  the  planting. 

Two  types  of  sleds  (Fig.  15,  Nos.  5-6)  are  used  in  connection  with 
the  rice  culture,  as  well  as  in  general  transportation.  The  first  consists 
of  rude  wooden  runners  on  which  a  bamboo  flooring  is  laid.  The  second 
has  narrow  runners,  which  are  hewn  with  considerable  care,  while 
sides  of  flattened  bamboo  convert  the  sled  into  an  open  box.  The  first 
type  (pasagad)  is  used  principally  during  the  wet  season  for  the  trans- 
portation of  plows,  harrows,  and  the  like,  the  wide  runners  slipping 
through  the  mud  without  becoming  mired.  The  use  of  the  latter  (kal- 
ison)  is  restricted  to  the  dry  season,  when  it  is  of  particular  advantage 
in  moving  the  rice.  Wheeled  vehicles  are  not  employed  in  any  part  of 

1  A  similar  device  is  employed  in  Java.  See  Freeman  and  Chandler,  The 
World's  Commercial  Products,  p.  36  (Boston,  1911). 

*  The  latter  is  the  customary  method  among  the  Bontoc  Igorot.  See  Jenks, 
The  Bontoc  Igorot,  p.  94. 

*  Raffles,  History  of  Java,  2d  ed„  Vol.  I,  p.  125,  also  plate  VIII  (London, 
1820);  Marsden,  op.  cit.,  p.  74;  Freeman  and  Chandler,  op.  cit.,  p.  29.  Both 
Raffles  and  Marsden  consider  this  type  of  plow  of  Chinese  origin.  The  Tinguian 
name  alado  is  doubtless  a  corruption  of  the  Spanish  arado,  but  this  of  course 
would  not  prove  that  the  plow  itself  was  derived  from  the  Spaniards. 


Economic  Life 


39i 


IH4^MHM^^ 


392  The  Tinguian 

the  Tinguian  belt,  although  their  use  is  now  fairly  common  among 
the  Ilocano. 

It  requires  a  month  or  six  weeks  to  make  ready  the  fields,  and 
in  the  meantime  the  rice  in  the  seed  beds  has  grown  to  a  height  of 
twelve  or  fourteen  inches.  The  shoots  are  then  pulled  up  by  the  roots, 
are  tied  into  bundles,  and  the  tops  are  cut  off  (Plate  LI).  The 
bundles  are  distributed  about  the  fields  at  convenient  distances,  and 
the  workers  then  transplant  the  young  rice — three  or  four  together — 
in  the  soft  ooze,  using  the  thumb  and  fore-finger  of  the  right  hand 
for  that  purpose  (Plate  LII).  The  preparation  of  the  field  is  looked 
after  by  the  men  and  boys,  and  oftentimes  they  aid  in  transplanting, 
but  the  latter  is  considered  to  be  women's  work,  and  is  generally  left 
to  them. 

The  rice  is  set  so  thickly  that  when  a  plot  is  planted  it  presents  to 
the  eye  a  solid  mass  of  green.  It  is  hard  to  imagine  a  more  beautiful 
sight  than  to  look  down  on  these  fields,  which  rise  in  wave  above 
wave  of  brilliant  green,  until  at  last  they  give  way  to  the  yellower 
billows  of  cogon  grass  which  cover  the  mountain  slopes. 

After  the  transplanting,  the  grain  needs  constant  attention ;  at 
first,  to  keep  it  properly  weeded  and  flooded ;  later,  to  protect  it  from 
animals  and  birds.  Hence  many  workers  are  always  in  the  fields,  but  it 
is,  nevertheless,  the  happy  time  for  the  people,  and  if  one  approaches 
a  group  of  workers  unawares,  he  will  hear  one  or  more  singing  the 
daleng,  a  song  in  which  they  compliment  or  chide  the  other  workers, 
or  relate  some  incident  of  the  hunt  or  of  village  life.  Toward  midday 
little  groups  will  gather  in  the  field  shelters  to  partake  of  their  lunches, 
to  smoke,  or  to  rest,  and  usually  in  such  a  gathering  will  be  a  good 
story-teller  who  amuses  with  fables,  or  tales  of  adventure.1 

When  the  rice  begins  to  mature,  an  even  stricter  watch  must  be 
kept,  for,  in  addition  to  its  other  enemies,  the  rice  birds  2  now  seek 
to  feed  on  the  crop  and,  while  they  are  small  in  size,  they  often  appear 
in  such  numbers  that  they  work  great  havoc. 

The  usual  device  employed  in  frightening  both  birds  and  animals 
is  a  bamboo  pole  cut  into  strips  at  the  top,  so  that,  as  it  is  shaken,  these 
strike  together,  producing  a  great  clatter.  Many  of  these  poles  are 
planted,  and  then  all  are  connected  by  means  of  rattan  lines  which 
finally  lead  to  the  little  watch  house.  Here  a  man  or  boy  sits  and  oc- 
casionally gives  the  lines  a  sudden  jerk,  which  sets  up  a  clapping  over 

1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  i,  pp.  195,  et  seq. 
2 Munia  jagori  (martens).     Locally  known  as  tikgi. 


Economic  Life  393 

the  whole  field  (Plate  LIII).  A  clever  development  of  this  device 
was  seen  by  the  writer  in  the  Ikmin  river  valley.  Here  the  stream 
flows  swiftly  and  plunges  headlong  into  pools  every  few  yards.  The 
rattan  cord  attached  to  the  clappers  is  fastened  to  a  small  raft  which 
is  then  set  afloat  in  the  pool.  After  a  whirl  in  the  eddy  it  is  caught 
by  the  swift  current,  and  is  carried  a  few  feet  down  stream,  at  the 
same  time  bending  the  clappers  nearly  to  the  ground;  then  as  the  raft 
enters  calmer  water,  the  tension  is  released,  and  it  is  thrown  violently 
back  into  the  pool  from  which  it  has  just  drifted ;  at  the  same  time  the 
clappers  fly  .back  into  place  with  a  great  noise. 

Another  contrivance,  used  in  keeping  small  birds  from  the  fields, 
is  a  bird-like  form  cut  from  the  bark  of  a  banana  or  palm  tree.  Many 
of  these  are  suspended  by  lines  from  bamboo  poles,  and,  as  the  wind 
blows  them  to  and  fro,  they  appear  like  giant  birds  hovering  over  the 
rice. 

A  simple  protection  against  deer  is  made  by  bending  the  white 
inner  bark  of  bamboo  into  arches  and  planting  these  at  intervals  along 
possible  places  of  entry,  for  it  is  said  that  these  animals  will  not  ap- 
proach such  a  contrivance. 

Soon  after  the  water  is  turned  into  the  fields,  shells  and  fish  begin 
to  appear  even  in  the  higher  terraces.  Doubtless  a  considerable  part  of 
these  come  in  through  the  ditches,  but  the  natives  insist  that  most  of  the 
fish  bury  themselves  deep  in  the  mud  at  the  approach  of  the  dry 
season  and  hibernate  until  water  again  appears  in  the  fields.1  These 
intruders  are  prized  as  food,  and  to  secure  them,  short  baited  lines  are 
placed  along  the  edges  of  the  terraces,  while  each  woman  has,  attached 
to  her  belt,  a  small  basket  into  which  she  places  shells  discovered  dur- 
ing her  work.  The  men  likewise  secure  fish  by  means  of  hooks  and 
lines,  and  also,  pierce  them  with  short  spears  fitted  with  detachable 
points,  but  more  commonly  they  shoot  them  with  a  small  bow  and 
peculiar  arrows,  the  heads  of  which  resemble  flattened  spoons  cut  into 
four  or  five  teeth.2 

As  the  grain  begins  to  ripen,  the  land  is  allowed  to  dry,  and  when 
all  is  ready  for  the  cutting,  the  people  put  on  their  best  garments  and 
go  to  the  fields.  Each  stalk  is  cut  separately  by  means  of  a  crescent- 
shaped  blade  (lakom  or  lakEm)  attached  to  a  small  wooden  cylinder 
(Fig.  14,  Nos.  3~3a).  This  handle  is  held  between  the  thumb,  first  and 
fifth  fingers,  while  the  stalk  is  caught  by  the  second  and  third  fingers, 

1  Probably  the  ophiocephalus.  See  Dean,  American  Museum  Journal. 
Vol.  XII,  1912,  p.  22. 

2  This  is  the  only  occasion  when  men  use  the  bow  and  arrow. 


394  The  Tinguian 

and  is  pulled  inward  against  the  steel  blade.1  Many  workers  grasp 
the  stalk  near  the  head  with  the  left  hand,  while  the  cutting  blade  is 
used  with  the  right. 

Both  men  and  women  may  engage  in  cutting  the  rice,  but  as  the 
latter  are  much  the  more  dexterous  workers,  this  task  is  generally 
assigned  to  them  (Plate  LIV).  The  grain  is  cut  so  as  to  leave  stalks 
about  ten  inches  in  length ;  these  are  laid  in  the  free  hand  until  a  bunch 
of  considerable  size  has  accumulated,  when  they  are  bound  together 
with  strips  of  bark.2  At  the  end  of  the  day  these  bundles  are 
carried  to  the  drying  yards,  where  they  remain  until  the  whole  crop 
is  harvested.  A  drying  yard  is  a  plot  of  ground  surrounded  by  a  bam- 
boo fence  of  such  a  height  that  it  is  impossible  for  fowls  and  the  like 
to  gain  entrance.  When  all  the  bundles  are  thoroughly  dried,  they  are 
placed  in  the  granary,  and  from  that  time  on  the  handling  of  the 
rice  is  given  over  to  the  women. 

The  granaries,  or  store-houses,  of  the  Tinguian  and  Ilocano  are 
identical  (Plate  LV),  but,  barring  the  Apayao,  are  different  from  any 
of  the  surrounding  groups,  except  when  their  influence  may  have 
spread  this  peculiar  type  to  a  limited  degree.  It  is  worthy  of  note, 
however,  that  the  granaries  of  some  Sumatran  groups  are  of  similar 
design  and  construction.  Such  a  store-house  is  raised  high  above  the 
ground  on  four  hard-wood  poles;  the  framework  is  of  bamboo,  and 
the  sides  flare  sharply  from  the  floor  to  the  grass  roof.  Within  the 
framework  is  a  closely  woven  matting  of  flattened  bamboo,  which  is 
nearly  water-tight ;  but  to  secure  still  further  protection  from  moisture, 
and  also  to  allow  for  free  circulation  of  air,  a  rack  is  built  in  such  a 
way  that  the  rice  is  kept  several  inches  from  the  outside  walls.  Just 
below  the  floor,  each  post  supports  a  close-fitting  pottery  jar — without 
top  or  bottom — or  a  broad  disk  of  wood,  which  effectually  prevents 
the  entrance  of  rodents. 

To  thrash  the  grain,  the  woman  places  a  bundle  on  a  piece  of 
carabao  hide,  and,  as  she  rolls  it  beneath  her  feet,  she  pounds  it  with  a 
long  wooden  pestle  (hala)  until  all  the  kernels  are  beaten  loose  from 
the  straw.3    It  is  then  placed  in  a  wooden  mortar  (luson)  of  hourglass 

1  The  neighboring  Igorot  do  not  use  a  cutter,  but  break  the  stalks  with  the 
fingers;  however,  the  same  instrument  is  used  by  the  Apayao,  in  parts  of 
Mindanao,  in  Java  and  Sumatra.  See  Marsden,  History  of  Sumatra,  p.  73 ; 
Raffles,  History  of  Java,  pp.  125-6,  also  Plate  8;  Mayer,  Een  Blik  in  het 
Javaansche  Volksleven,  Vol.  II,  p.  452,  (Leiden,  1897)  ;  Van  der  Lith,  Neder- 
landsch  Oost  Indie,  Vol.  II,  p.  353,  (Leiden,  1894). 

2  Rice  in  the  bundle  is  known  as  palay  or  pagzy. 

3  The  Igorot  woman  pulls  the  grain  from  the  straw  with  her  hands. 


Economic  Life  395 

form  or  with  straight  sides,  where  it  is  again  beaten  until  the  outside 
husks  are  loosened,  and  the  grain  is  somewhat  broken  (Plate  LVI). 
Winnowing  is  accomplished  by  tossing  the  contents  of  the  mortar  in 
shallow  traps-  (igau),  so  that  the  chaff  is  blown  away,  while  the  grain 
falls  back  into  the  winnower  (Plate  LVII). 

The  rice  is  now  ready  for  cooking ;  the  chaff  is  collected,  and  is 
used  as  food  for  the  pigs-  and  dogs,  while  the  stalks  are  saved  to  be 
burned,  for  the  ashes  are  commonly  used  in  lieu  of  soap. 

Rice  has  also  come  to  have  great  importance,  both  as  a  standard  of 
value  and  as  a  medium  of  exchange.  A  single  stalk  is  known  as 
sang  a  daiva.  When  the  stalks  are  equal  in  size  to  the  leg,  just  above 
the  ankle,  the  bundle  is  called  sang-abtek.1  Ten  sang-abtek  equal 
sanga-baal.  One  hundred  sang-abtek  make  sanga-oyon.  The  measure 
of  cleaned  rice  is  as  follows:  Two  full  hands  (one  coconut  shell  full) 
— 1  sopa  (Ilocano  supa;  Spanish  l/g  ganta).  8  sopa — 1  salop  (Spanish 
ganta  or  about  2  quarts).  25  salop — 1  kaban. 

It  is  customary  to  pay  laborers  in  rice;  likewise  the  value  of  ani- 
mals, beads,  and  the  like  are  reckoned  an.d  paid  in  this  medium. 
During  the  dry  season  rice  is  loaned,  to  be  repaid  after  the  harvest 
with  interest  of  about  fifty  per  cent. 

According  to  tradition,  the  Tinguian  were  taught  to  plant  and  reap 
by  a  girl  named  Dayapan.  This  woman,  who  was  an  invalid,  was  one 
day  bathing  in  the  stream,  when  the  great  spirit  Kaboniyan  entered 
her  body.  He  carried  with  him  sugar-cane  and  unthreshed  rice  which 
he  gave  to  the  girl  with  explicit  directions  for  its  use.  Likewise  he 
taught  her  the  details  of  the  Sayang,  the  most  important  of  the  cere- 
monies. Dayapan  followed  instructions  faithfully,  and  after  the  har- 
vest and  conclusion  of  the  ceremony,  she  found  herself  to  be  com- 
pletely cured.  After  that  she  taught  others,  and  soon  the  Tinguian 
became  prosperous  farmers.2 

In  Part  I  of  this  volume  a  reconstruction  of  the  early  life  of 
this  people  was  attempted  from  their  mythology.  The  results  seemed 
to  indicate  that  the  tales  reflect  a  time  before  the  Tinguian  possessed 
terraced  rice-fields,  when  domestic  work  animals  were  still  unknown, 
and  the  horse  had  not  yet  been  introduced  into  the  land.  But  it  was 
also  noted  that  we  are  not  justified  in  considering  these  as  recent 
events. 

At  this  time,  with  the  more  complete  data  before  us,  it  may  be  well 

1  Ilocano  sanga-reppct  or  the  Spanish  monojo. 

'See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  I,  p.  177. 


396  The  Tinguian 

to  again  subject  the  rice  culture  to  careful  scrutiny,  in  the  hope  that  it 
may  afford  some  clue  as  to  the  source  from  which  it  spread  into  this 
region.  It  is  possible  that  the  Tinguian  may  have  brought  it  with  them 
from  their  early  home,  which  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  in  south- 
eastern Asia ;  they  may  have  acquired  it  through  contact  with  Chinese 
or  Japanese  traders,  or  through  commercial  relations  with  the  islands 
to  the  south ;  or  again  it  may  have  developed  locally  in  the  Tinguian, 
Igorot,  and  Ifugao  territory. 

It  should  be  noted  at  the  outset  that  highly  developed  terrace  cul- 
tivation is  found  in  Japan  and  China  to  the  north ;  in  parts  of  Borneo, 
in  the  Nias  archipelago,  in  Java,  Bali,  Lombok,  Sumatra,  Burma,  and 
India  proper,  and  it  is  probable  that  all  within  this  broad  belt  developed 
from  a  single  origin. 

When  we  compare  the  construction  of  Igorot  and  Tinguian  ter- 
races and  the  methods  of  irrigation,  we  find  them  quite  similar, 
although  those  of  the  former  are  somewhat  superior  and  of  much 
greater  extent.  The  planting  of  the  seed  rice  and  the  breaking  of  the 
soil  in  the  high  fields  are  also  much  alike,  but  here  the  resemblances 
cease.  In  the  lower  fields,  the  Tinguian  employ  the  carabao,  together 
with  the  plow  and  harrow ;  the  Igorot  do  not.  The  Igorot  fertilize  their 
fields,  the  Tinguian  never.  In  harvesting,  the  Tinguian  make  use  of 
a  peculiar  crescent-shaped  blade  to  cut  the  stalk,  the  Igorot  pull  each 
head  off  separately.  The  Tinguian  and  Ilocano  granaries  are  of  a 
distinctive  type  radically  different  from  the  Igorot,  while  the  methods 
of  thrashing  in  the  two  groups  are  entirely  different.  Finally,  the  cere- 
monial observances  of  the  Tinguian,  so  far  as  the  rice  is  concerned, 
are  much  more  extensive  and  intricate  than  have  been  described  for 
the  Igorot.  In  a  like  manner  there  are  many  striking  differences 
between  the  methods  or  handling  the  grain  by  the  Tinguian  and 
those  found  in  Japan  and  China.  On  the  other  hand,  when  we  come  to 
compare  the  rice  culture  of  this  region  with  the  islands  to  the  south,  the 
similarities  are  very  striking.  The  short  description  given  by  Marsden 
for  Sumatra  1  would,  with  a  few  modifications,  apply  to  the  situation 
in  Abra.  The  use  of  the  plow  and  harrow  drawn  by  carabao  is  found 
in  Java  and  Sumatra ;  the  common  reaping  knife  of  both  these  islands 
is  identical  with  the  Tinguian,  although  there  is  a  slight  difference  in 
the  way  it  is  utilized ;  the  peculiar  type  of  granary  found  in  Abra 
again  appears  in   Sumatra,  while  the  Tinguian  ceremonial  acts  as- 

1  History  of  Sumatra,  pp.  65,  et  seq. 


Economic  Life  397 

sociated  with  the  cultivation  and  care  of  the  rice-recall,  in  several  in- 
stances, details  of  such  ceremonies  in  Java. 

If  Tinguian  rice  culture  did  come  from  the  south,  through  trade 
or  migration,  in  comparatively  recent  times  we  should  expect  to  find 
evidences  of  the  same  culture  distributed  along  the  route  by  which 
it  must  have  traveled.  We  find,  however,  that  few  terraces  exist  in 
Mindanao  and  northern  Borneo ;  and  the  former,  at  least,  are  of  recent 
introduction.1  There  is  also  negative  evidence  that  such  fields  were 
rare  along  the  coasts  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  invasion.  In  the  early 
documents  we  meet  with  frequent  statements  that  the  people  were 
agriculturists  and  raised  considerable  quantities  of  rice  and  vegetables 
in  their  clearings ;  but  the  writer  has  discovered  only  two  instances  in 
which  mention  is  made  of  terraced  fields.2  Had  extensive  terraces*  ex- 
isted on  the  coast,  it  seems  certain  that  some  notice  must  have  been 
taken  of  them.  Yet  in  the  mountains  of  central  and  northwestern 
Luzon,  in  districts  remote  from  coast  influences,  are  found  some  of 
the  most  remarkable  fields  of  this  type  in  Malaysia ;  terraces  represent- 
ing such  an  expenditure  of  labor  that  they  argue  for  a  long  period  of 
construction. 

The  proof  is  not  absolute,  but,  in  view  of  the  foregoing,  the  writer 
is  inclined  to  the  belief  that  the  Igorot  and  the  Tinguian  brought  their 
rice  culture  with  them- from  the  south,  and  that  the  latter  received  it 
from  a  source  common  to  them  and  to  the  people  of  Java  and  Sumatra. 

Many  writers  who  have  discussed  the  rice  culture  of  the  East 
Indies  are  inclined  to  credit  its  introduction  to  Indian  colonists,3  but 

'Hose  and  McDougall  (Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  pp.  246-7)  con- 
sider the  terraced  rice  culture  of  the  Murut,  of  northern  Borneo,  a  recent 
acquisition  either  from  the  Philippines  or  from  Annam. 

*  Lavezaris,  writing  in  1569-76,  states  that  the  natives,  of  no  specified  district, 
"have  great  quantities  of  provisions  which  they  gathered  from  irrigated  fields" 
(Blair  and  Robertson,  Philippine  Islands,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  269).  In  Vol.  VIII, 
pp.  250-251,  of  the  same  publication,  is  a  record  of  the  expedition  to  Tue, 
in  the  mountains  at  the  southern  end  of  Nueva  Viscaya.  According  to  this 
account,  the  natives  of  that  section  were,  in  1592,  gathering  two  crops  of  rice, 
"one  being  irrigated,  the  other  allowed  to  grow  by  itself." 

*  For  the  history  and  extent  of  terraced  field  rice-culture,  see  Freeman  and 
Chandler,  The  World's  Commercial  Products  (Boston,  1911)  ;  Ratzel,  History 
of  Mankind,  Vol.  I,  pp.  426,  et  seq.  (London,  1896)  ;  Ferrars,  Burma,  pp.  48, 
et  seq.  (London,  1901)  ;  Bezmer,  Door  Nederlandsch  Oost-Indie,  p.  232 
(Groningen,  1906)  ;  Hose  and  McDougall,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  II, 
p.  246;  Perry,  Manchester  Memoirs,  Vol.  LX,  pt.  2,  1915-16;  Wallace.  The 
Malay  Archipelago,  pp.  117,  126  (London,  1894);  Cabaton,  Java  and  the  Dutch 
East  Indies,  p.  213,  note  (London,  191 1)  ;  Meyier,  Irrigation  in  Java,  Transac- 
tions of  the  American  Soc.  of  Civil  Engineers,  Vol.  LIV,  pt.  6  (New  York, 
1008)  ;  Bernard,  Amenagement  des  eaux  a  Java,  irrigation  des  rizieres  (Paris 
1903)  ;  Crawfurd,  History  of  the  Indian  Archipelago,  Vol.  1,  pp.  358,  et  seq. 
(Edinburgh,  1820). 


398  The  Tinguian 

Campbell1  holds  to  the  belief  that  it  was  practised  centuries  before 
the  Christian  era  and  prior  to  the  Hindu  invasion  of  Java.  There 
seems  to  be  no  dissent,  however,  among  these  writers  to  the  belief 
that  its  introduction  antedated  the  arrival  of  the  European  in  the 
Orient  by  several  centuries.  The  fact  that  dry  land  farming,  carried 
on  with  planting  sticks  and  the  like,  is  still  found  among  the  Igorot 
and  Tinguian,  and  for  that  matter  all  over  the  Philippines,  cannot  be 
advanced  as  an  argument  that  the  irrigated  fields  are  of  recent  date, 
for  upland  fields  and  primitive  tools  are  still  used  in  Java  and  Sumatra, 
where,  as  we  have  just  seen,  the  wet  field  culture  is  an  old  possession. 

Magical  Rites  and  Ceremonies  Connected  with  the  Rice. 
—The  importance  of  rice  to  this  people  is  nowhere  better  evidenced 
than  in  the  numerous  and,  in  some  cases,  elaborate  rites  with  which 
its  cultivation  and  care  is  attended.  Some  of  these  observances  appear 
to  be  purely  magical,  while  others  are  associated  with  the  consulting 
of  omens,  acts  of  sacrifice,  propitiation,  and  finally  of  thanksgiving. 
All  are  interwoven  with  tribal  law  and  custom  to  such  an  extent  that 
neglect,  on  the  part  of  the  individual,  amounts  to  a  crime  against  the 
community,  and  hence  is  punished  with  public  indignation  and  ostra- 
cism. 

When  a  new  field  is  to  be  prepared,  or  a  granary  erected,  strict 
watch  must  be  kept  for  omens,  for  should  the  inhabitants  of  the  spirit 
world  be  unfavorable  to  the  project,  they  will  indicate  their  feelings 
by  sending  snakes,  large  lizards,  deer,  wild  hogs,  or  certain  birds  to 
visit  the  workers.  Should  any  of  these  appear,  as  the  task  is  begun,  the 
place  is  generally  abandoned  at  once,  but  if  doubt  still  exists,  or  it  is 
deemed  abvisable  to  try  to  persuade  the  spirits  to  reconsider,  a  small 
pig  will  be  sacrificed.  Its  blood,  mixed  with  rice,  is  scattered  about  on 
the  ground  as  an  offering,  while  the  medium  recites  a  proper  diam.2 
After  a  suitable  time  has  elapsed  for  the  spirits  to  partake,  the  liver  of 
the  animal  is  removed,  and  is  carefully  examined  (cf.  p.  307).  If  the 
omens  are  now  favorable,  the  work  may  be  resumed,  but  should  they 
still  be  unpropitious,  it  is  folly  to  proceed,  for  disaster  is  certain  to 
follow. 

The  next  anxiety  is  to  secure  a  lusty  growth  of  plants  in  the  seed 
beds,  and  to  accomplish  this,  sticks  known  as  salogEgEy,  are  stuck  in 
each  plot.  The  surface  of  such  a  stick  has  been  pared  so  that  shavings 
stand  out  on  it  in  opposite  directions,  for  such  a  decoration  "is  pleas- 

1  Campbell,  Java  Past  and  Present,  Vol.  II,  p.  977  (London,  1915). 

2  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  I,  p.  177. 


Economic  Life  399 

ing  to  the  spirits;"  while  a  piece  of  charcoal,  placed  in  the  notched 
end,  compels  the  new  leaves  to  turn  the  dark  green  of  sturdy  plants. 
The  first  seeds  to  be  planted  must  always  be  sowed  by  the  wife  of  the 
owner,  "so  that  they  will  be  fertile  and  yield  a  good  crop." 

When  a  field  has  been  constructed,  or  when  the  terraces  are  ready 
to  receive  the  plants,  a  ceremony  known  as  Dalau,1  is  held.  The  pur- 
pose of  this  is  to  secure  the  good  will  of  the  spirits  in  general,  but 
more  particularly  to  provide  a  dwelling  place  for  the  powerful  being 
Kaiba-an,  who  guards  the  crops.  A  medium,  accompanied  by  the  family 
and  any  others  who  may  be  interested,  goes  to  the  field  carrying  a 
large  bamboo  pole,  bolor  branches,  stalks  of  /oho3  bakoh,  and  saklak.* 
The  end  of  the  bamboo  is  split  open,  and  a  saloko6  is  constructed  to 
which  are  attached  the  other  leaves  and  stalks.  The  saloko  is  then 
placed  on  the  dividing  ridge  of  the  field,  and  all  is  ready  for  the  cere- 
mony, unless  it  is  considered  wise  to  also  construct  a  small  house 
(baubatnvl) .  If  the  field  is  near  the  village,  the  latter  is  generally  dis- 
pensed with,  but  if  it  is  distant,  the  house  is  erected  so  that  the  spirit 
will  accept  it  as  its  dwelling,  while  it  is  guarding  the  crop.  It  is  further 
explained  that  the  spirit  then  stays  in  the  small  house  or  saloko  in- 
stead of  in  the  rice  stalks,  and  so  they  are  able  to  grow. 

A  female  pig  is  presented  to  the  medium  who,  after  reciting  a 
proper  diam  above  it,  stabs  the  animal  and  collects  its  blood.  This  is 
mixed  with  rice,  and  a  part  is  at  once  deposited  in  the  saloko,  while  the 
balance  is-  placed  on  a  head-axe,  and  is  carried  about  the  field.  When  the 
whole  plot  has  been  traversed,  this  rice  and  blood  is  scattered  in  all 
directions,  while  the  spirits  are  besought  to  come  and  eat.  A  part  of  the 
company  has  meanwhile  been  cooking  the  flesh  of  the  slain  animal, 
but  before  any  of  it  is  served,  a  skirt  (kinomayan)  is  spread  at  the 
foot  of  the  saloko,  an,d  on  it  are  placed  dishes  of  oil  and  of  cooked  rice. 

After  the  meal  has  been  eaten,  the  family  gathers  up  the  skirt  and 
dishes,  to  return  them  to  the  village,  but  the  other  offerings  remain. 

Rain,  like  all  other  things  needed,  is  sent  by  Kadaklan  or  Kaboni- 
yan.  If  it  does  not  come  as  desired,  or  if  the  crop  is  not  progressing 

1  Also  known  as  Singa  and  Baubauwi.  In  Likuan  it  is  held  only  in  case  the 
crops  are  not  growing  as  they  should ;  but  in  Sisikan,  Patikian,  and  other  towns 
of  the  Saltan  River  valley  it  is  celebrated  both  before  the  planting  and  after  the 
harvesting. 

'  A  slender  cane  similar  to  bamboo,  but  nearly  white  in  color. 

'  runo,  a  reed. 

4  Justicia  gendarnssa  L. 

'Also  called  salokang.     See  p.  310. 


400  The  Tinguian 

favorably,  a  ceremony  known  as  Komon  or  Ubaiya *  is  held.  Each 
person  of  the  village  is  assessed  a  sopa  of  rice,  a  bundle  of  palay, 
or  a  small  coin  with  which  pigs,  basi,  and  other  things  necessary,  can 
be  purchased. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  appointed  day,  the  mediums,  ac- 
companied by  many  people,  go  to  the  guardian  stones,  oil  the  head  of 
each,  and  place  a  bark  band  around  it.  Then  having  recited  a  proper 
diam  over  a  small  pig,  they  slaughter  it  and  scatter  its  blood  mixed 
with  rice  among  the  stones.  Likewise  they  place  a  dish  of  basi  among 
them  for  the  use  of  the  spirits.  A  part  of  the  slain  animal  is  then 
cooked  and  eaten,  after  which  all  go  back  to  the  village.  At  some  ap- 
pointed place,  rice,  eggs,  betel-nuts,  and  a  large  pig  have  been  as- 
sembled, and  to  this  spot  the  mediums  go  to  conduct  the  rite  known 
as  Datvak.2  Before  its  conclusion  a  diam  is  recited  over  the  pig,  which 
is  then  killed  and  prepared  for  food.  Meanwhile  the  chief  medium 
beseeches  the  supreme  being  Kadaklan  to  enter  her  body.  He  comes, 
and  after  telling  the  people  what  must  be  done  to  insure  the  crop,  he 
designates  some  one  man  who  must,  on  the  following  morning,  cele- 
brate Padiam. 

After  all  the  visiting  spirits  have  been  given  food  and  drink,  a 
small  covered  raft  (taltalabong)  is  constructed,  and  in  it  are  placed 
a  live  chick,  a  cooked  rooster,  and  other  articles  of  food.  Four  sturdy 
men  carry  this  to  the  river  and  set  it  afloat,  while  the  people  shout  and 
beat  on  gongs  to  drive  away  evil  spirits  who  might  wish  to  steal  the 
raft  and  its  contents.  The  purpose  of  this  offering  is  to  supply  food 
to  any  spirits  who  may  be  unable  to  attend  the  ceremony. 

Early  the  next  morning,  the  man  who  has  been  designated  by 
Kadaklan  to  perform  the  PadJam  makes  ready,  at  his  own  expense, 
a  large  pig  and  cooked  rice,  and  carries  these  to  the  fields.  He  must 
be  dressed  in  striped  garments  known  as  ginalit,  must  carry  a  head- 
axe,  and  wear  on  his  head  the  cloth  band  of  the  medium,  beneath 
which  are  thrust  two  igam,  that  is,  chicken  feathers  notched  or  deco- 
rated with  bits  of  colored  thread  (cf.  p.  313).  He  is  accompanied  by 
his  wife,  attired  in  a  red  jacket  (sinasdya)  and  a  skirt  (pindpa),  and 
by  a  medium  who  also  wears  the  igam  beneath  a  headband  of  sikagf 
while  the  townspeople  follow  behind.  Arrived  at  the  field,  the  medium 

1  The  same  ceremony  may  be  held  in  order  to  stop  the  rainfall  if  it  is  too 
abundant. 

2  At  this  time  the  spirits  enter  the  bodies  of  the  mediums  and  through  them 
talk  with  the  people. 

3  Lygodium  near  scandens. 


Economic  Life  401 

squats  before  the  bound  pig,  and  holding  a  spear,  betel-nuts,  and  oil, 
begins  to  recite  a  dlam,  meanwhile  she  strokes  the  animal  from  time 
to  time  with  oiled  fingers.  This  concluded,  she  stabs  the  pig,  and  hav- 
ing mixed  its  blood  with  rice,  scatters  it  over  the  field,  calling  to  the 
spirits  to  come  and  eat,  and  then  to  grant  a  full  harvest.  The  people 
eat  part  of  the  animal  while  in  the  field,  but  before  returning  home, 
the  head  of  each  family  receives  a  small  strip  of  uncooked  flesh,  which 
he  fastens  above  the  door  as  a  sign  that  the  ceremony  has  been  held.1 
The  following  day,  the  owner  and  the  medium  return  to  the  field  and 
break  a  little  soil  with  a  spear,  and  the  ceremony  is  complete,  but  for 
some  days  these  two  are  barred  from  eating  shrimp,  carabao,  or  wild 
pig.  The  owner  must  also  pay  the  medium  ten  bundles  of  rice  for  her 
assistance  in  insuring  his  own  crops,  as  well  as  those  of  the  community. 
Should  lightning  strike  a  field  or  a  tree  in  it,  this  ceremony  is  repeated, 
with  the  exception  that  the  strips  of  flesh  are  not  distributed,  nor  is 
the  soil  broken  with  a  spear.2 

In  Lumaba,  a  town  strongly  influenced  by  the  Igorot,  the  Ubaiya 
regularly  precedes  the  rice  planting,  as  well  as  the  first  use  of  a  newly 
constructed  field.  While  conforming,  in  general,  to  that  already  de- 
scribed, a  part  of  the  procedure  is  somewhat  different.  On  the  day  be- 
fore the  ceremony,  the  men  go  to  the  mountains  and  gather  lono  stalks, 
one  for  each  house  and  two  for  the  town  gate.  The  two  reeds  are 
placed  crosswise  of  the  entrance  to  the  village  and  serve  as  a  sign  of 
taboo,  and  thereafter  no  one  may  enter  until  they  are  officially  re- 
moved. To  do  so  would  necessitate  the  repetition  of  the  ceremony,  and 
the  offender  would  be  obliged  to  provide  all  the  things  necessary  for  it. 
Likewise,  no  one  may  wear  a  hat  or  prepare  food  during  the  period  of 
taboo. 

The  next  day  is  known  as  Bignas,  and  at  dawn  all  the  men  arm 
themselves  with  bamboo  poles.  With  these  they  beat  about  under  the 
houses  and  throughout  the  town,  in  order  to  drive  away  any  evil 
spirits  who  may  be  lurking  about.  Having  effectively  rid  the  town, 
they  force  the  invisible  beings  ahead  of  them  to  the  river,  where  they 
deposit  the  poles.  They  return  to  the  village  singing  and  shouting, 
and  are  met  at  the  gate  by  the  women,  who  hold  ladders,  one  on  each 
side  of  the  entrance,  so  that  they  meet  at  the  top  and  thus  form  a 
path  by  which  the  men  may  enter  without  breaking  the  interdict.  At 

1  In  Manabo  leaves  and  grass  dipped  in  the  blood  are  attached  to  split  sticks, 
(shwbung),  and  are  fastened  to  a  side  wall  of  the  house. 

2  Lightning  is  recognized  as  the  messenger  of  Kadaklan. 


402  The  Tinguian 

the  guardian  stones,  they  pause  long  enough  to  sacrifice  a  pig  and  a 
rooster,  and  offer  blood  and  rice  to  the  spirits,  and  then  they  proceed 
to  the  center  of  the  village,  where  they  dance  tadek  and  da-eng  until 
dusk.  At  nightfall  a  pig  is  killed,  its  flesh  is  divided  among  the  people, 
and  a  lono  stalk,  after  being  dipped  in  the  blood,  is  given  to  a  member 
of  each  family.  This  is  carried  home,  and  is  placed  on  the  outside  wall 
as  a  sign  that  the  ceremony  has  been  held. 

If  the  sun  is  shining  the  following  morning,  the  lakay  will  go  out- 
side the  town  to  gather  wood.  Upon  his  return  the  people  are  again 
free  to  fish  and  hunt,  but  work  is  forbidden  until  evening.  Should  the 
sun  fail  to  appear,  all  remain  quietly  in  the  village  until  the  lakay 
can  remove  the  taboo  by  his  wood  gathering. 

In  Manabo  the  ceremony  is  a  mixture  of  the  two  types  just  de- 
scribed, and  is  always  held  at  the  time  of  planting  and  when  droughts 
occur.1 

The  procedure  at  harvest  time  varies  considerably  in  different  dis- 
tricts, but  the  usual  custom  is  for  a  woman,  from  each  family,  to  go  to 
the  fields  and  cut  alone  until  she  has  harvested  one  hundred  bundles. 
During  this  time  she  may  use  no  salt,  but  a  little  sand  is  placed  in  her 
food  as  a  substitute.  No  outsider  may  enter  the  dwelling  during  this 
preliminary  cutting.  So  strictly  is  this  rule  observed  that  the  writer 
has  been  absolutely  excluded  from  homes  where,  on  other  occasions, 
he  was  a  welcome  guest.  In  Lumaba  and  vicinity  it  is  the  custom  to 
sacrifice  a  chicken  two  "days  before  the  harvest  begins,  and  to  cook  its 
neck  and  intestines  without  salt.  These  are  then  divided  into  nine 
parts,  are  placed  in  dishes,  and  are  carried  to  the  spirit  house  in  the 
field.  At  the  end  of  the  second  day,  the  feathers  of  the  fowl  are  stuck 
into  the  sides  of  the  structure,  and  the  spirits  are  entreated  to  grant 
a  good  harvest  and  health  for  the  workers.  The  dishes  are  then  re- 
turned to  the  village,  and  on  the  following  morning  the  women  may 
begin  cutting. 

When  the  rice  is  ready  to  be  stored,  the  Palpala-em2  ceremony 
is  held  in  honor  of  the  spirit  of  the  granary.  Vines  and  shrubs3  are 
tied  to  each  supporting  post  of  the  granary  and  above  the  door,  while 

1  The  Igorot  villages  of  Lukuban  and  vicinity  have  a  similar  ceremony.  It  is 
here  followed  by  a  three-day  period  of  taboo.  Should  the  bird  known  as  koling 
fly  over  the  town  during  this  period,  uttering  its  peculiar  cry,  the  ceremony  will 
be  repeated ;  otherwise,  all  is  well. 

3  Literally,  "to  give  a  taste." 

5  Those  used  are  sikag  (Lygodium  near  scandens),  talabibatab  (Capparis 
micracantha  D.  C.)  and  pedped  (?). 


Economic  Life  403 

a  bit  of  sikag  is  also  hidden  inside  a  bundle  of  rice,  which  has  been 
placed  at  each  corner  pole.  Near  one  post  is  a  small  pig  with  its  head 
toward  the  east,  and  over  it  the  medium  recites  a  dtam.  As  usual,  the 
animal  is  killed,  and  its  blood  mixed  with  rice  is  offered  to  the  spirits. 
A  part  of  the  flesh  is  wrapped  in  banana  leaves,  and  a  bundle  is  buried 
at  the  foot  of  each  post.  The  skull  is  cooked,  and  after  being  cleaned, 
is  hung  up  inside  the  roof.  The  rest  of  the  meat  is  cooked,  and  is 
served  with  rice  to  the  little  company  of  friends  who  have  gathered. 
Each  guest  is  also  given  a  few  stalks  of  the  rice  from  the  bundles  at 
the  corner  posts. 

Just  before  the  new  rice  is  placed  in  the  granary,  a  jar  of  basi  is 
placed  in  the  center  of  the  structure,  and  beside  it  a  dish  filled  with  oil 
and  the  dung  of  worms.  Five  bundles  of  palay  are  piled  over  these, 
and  the  whole  is  presented  to  the  spirit,  who  will  now  allow  the  rice 
to  multiply  until  it  is  as  plentiful  as  the  dung. 

In  Buneg  and  nearby  villages,  all  of  which  are  strongly  influenced 
by  immigrants  from  the  Cagayan  valley,  a  small  clay  house  known  as 
lablabon  or  adug  is  placed  with  the  rice,  and  from  time  to  time 
offerings  are  put  in  them  for  the  spirit  who  multiplies  the  rice 
(Plate  XXIX). 

Certain  restrictions  always  apply  to  the  granary.  It  may  never  be 
opened  after  dark,  for  evil  spirits  are  certain  to  enter,  and  the  crop 
will  vanish  quickly.  It  can  be  opened  only  by  a  member  of  the  family 
"whom  the  spirit  knows ;"  and  should  another  attempt  to  remove  the 
grain,  sickness  or  blindness  will  befall  him.  So  rigorously  is  this  en- 
forced that  a  bride  never  opens  her  husband's  granary  until  he  has 
presented  her  with  a  string  of  beads,  which  she  wears  about  her  neck 
to  identify  her.  It  is  further  necessary  that  she  receive  a  similar  gift 
before  she  eats  of  his  rice,  otherwise  she  will  become  ill.  However, 
this  does  not  apply  to  others,  even  strangers  being  fed  without  this 
gift  being  made. 

A  custom  which  formerly  prevailed,  but  is  now  falling  into  dis- 
use, was  for  the  bride  and  groom  to  visit  the  family  fields,  where  the 
youth  cut  a  little  grass  along  the  dividing  ridges.  He  then  took  up  a 
bit  of  earth  on  his  head-axe,  and  both  tasted  of  it,  "so  that  the  ground 
would  yield  them  good  harvests,  and  they  would  become  wealthy." 

Cultivated  Plants  and  Trees. — Near  every  settlement  will  be 
found  a  number  of  small  gardens,  in  which  a  variety  of  vegetables  are 
grown.  Occasionally  a  considerable  planting  of  bananas  will  be  found, 
while  many  villages  are  buried  beneath  the  shade  of  coconut  trees,  but 


404  The  Tinguian 

in.  comparison  with  rice  the  cultivation  of  other  crops  becomes  in- 
significant. Nevertheless,  a  considerable  amount  of  food  stuff,  as  well 
as  of  plants  and  trees  used  in  household  industries,  are  planted  in 
prepared  land  ;  while  many  of  wild  growths  are  utilized.  The  following 
list  is  doubtless  incomplete,  but  still  contains  those  of  special  value  to 
this  people.1 

Next  to  rice  the  camote  (Convolvulus  batatas)  is  the  most  important 
food  product.  Occasionally  it  is  raised  in  the  gardens  or  rice  terraces, 
but,  as  a  rule,  it  is  planted  in  hillside  clearings  from  which  one  or  two 
crops  of  rice  have  been  removed.  The  tuber  is  cut  into  pieces,  or  run- 
ners from  old  plants  are  stuck  into  the  ground,  and  the  planting  is 
complete.  The  vine  soon  becomes  very  sturdy,  its  large  green  leaves  so 
carpeting  the  ground  that  it  even  competes  successfully  with  the  cogon 
grass.  If  allowed,  the  plants  multiply  by  their  runners  far  beyond  the 
space  originally  allotted  to  them.  The  tubers,  which  are  about  the 
size  of  our  sweet  potatoes,  are  dug  up  as  needed,  to  replace  or  supple- 
ment rice  in  the  daily  menu.  Both  roots  and  plants  are  also  cooked  and 
used  as  food  for  the  pigs  and  dogs. 

Aba  (Colocasia  anti-quorum  Schott)  is  raised,2  but  as  it  requires  a 
moist  soil,  and  hence  would  occupy  land  adapted  to  rice,  it  is  chiefly 
limited  to  the  gardens.  It  has  large  fleshy  roots  which  are  used  like 
those  of  the  camote,  while  the  leaves  and  young  shoots  are  also  cooked 
and  eaten.  Other  tubers  known  as  obi  (Dioscorea  sp.),  gakad  (Dios- 
corea divaricata  Blanco),  annaeg  (Dioscorea  fasciculata) ,  and  kamas 
(Pachyrhizus  angulatus  D.  C.)  are  raised  to  a  limited  extent  in  the 
gardens. 

Corn,  mats,  bukel,  and  red  corn,  gasllan  (Zea  mays  L.)  seems  to 
have  been  introduced  into  Abra  in  comparatively  late  times,  for  despite 
the  fact  that  it  is  one  of  the  most  important  crops,  it  has  neither 
gathered  to  itself  ceremonial  procedure,  nor  has  it  acquired  a  place 
in  the  folk-lore.  A  considerable  amount  is  raised  in  the  village  gardens, 
but  generally  it  is  planted  by  dibbling  in  the  high  land.  When  ripe,  the 
ears  are  broken  from  the  stalk,  the  husks  are  turned  back,  and  several 
are  tied  together.  These  bunches  are  then  placed  over  horizontal  poles, 
raised  several  feet  from  the  ground  (Plate  LVIII),  and  after  being 
thoroughly  dried, are  hung  from  the  house  rafters.  The  common  method 
of  grinding  is  to  place  the  corn  on  a  large  stone,  over  which  a  smaller 

1  Most  of  the  identifications  here  given  were  made  by  Dr.  Elmer  D.  Merrill, 
botanist  of  the  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science,  from  specimens  collected  by  the 
writer. 

'  Known  generally  throughout  the  Philippines  as  gabi. 


Economic  Life  405 

stone  is  rocked  until  a  fine  flour  is  produced  (Plate  LIX).  Stone  disk 
grinders,  imported  from  the  coast,  are  also  in  use.  These  consist  of 
grooved  stones,  the  upper  of  which  revolves*  on  the  lower.  Grain  is  fed 
into  an  opening  at  the  top  as  needed.  Dried  corn,  popped  in  the  embers 
of  a  fire,  is  much  relished  by  the  children. 

Several  varieties  of  squash,1  and  beans,  as  well  as  peanuts  (mant) 
are  among  the  common  products  of  the  garden.  The  former  are  trained 
to  run  over  a  low  trellis  or  frame  to  prevent  injury  to  the  blossoms 
from  a  driving  rain.  Both  blossoms  and  the  mature  vegetables  are 
used  as  food. 

Among  the  minor  products  are  ginger,  laya  {Zingiber  officinale 
Rose.)  and  a  small  melon,  locally  known  as  melod,  which  is  used  as  a 
sweetening.  Sugar  cane,  onas  (Saccharum) ,  is  raised  in  considerable 
quantity,  and  is  used  in  making  an  intoxicating  drink  known  as  basi. 
It  is  also  eaten  raw  in  place  of  a  sweetmeat,  but  is  never  converted  into 
sugar.  Nowadays  the  juice  is  extracted  by  passing  the  cane  between 
two  cylinders  of  wood  with  intermeshing  teeth.  Motive  power  is  fur- 
nished by  a  carabao  attached  to  a  long  sweep.  This  is  doubtless  a  recent 
introduction,  but  it  has  entirely  superseded  any  older  method. 

The  cane  is  raised  from  cuttings  which  are  set  in  mud-beds  until 
ready  to  be  transferred  to  the  mountain-side  clearings.  These  lands 
are  prepared  in  the  same  manner  as  the  upland  rice  fields  already  de- 
scribed. The  men  dig  shallow  holes  and  set  each  plant  upright,  while 
the  women  follow,  filling  the  hole  with  water  and  then  pressing  earth 
in  with  fingers  or  toes. 

In  addition  to  these  food  crops,  considerable  plantings  of  cotton 
or  kapas  (Gossypium  sp.)  and  tobacco  or  tabd-o  (Nicotiana  tabacum) 
are  raised  in  the  clearings.  The  former  is  planted  on  the  hillsides,  where 
it  matures  in  three  or  four  months.  The  plant  seldom  reaches  a  height 
of  two  feet,  and  the  bolls  are  small,  doubtless  due  to  lack  of  care  and 
suitable  fertilization.2 

Tobacco  seeds  are  sprouted  in  beds  similar  to  those  used  for  the 
rice,  and  the  same  magical  device  is  used  to  insure  a  lusty  growth.  The 
young  plants  are  carefully  watered  and  shaded  until  they  reach  a 
height  of  five  or  six  inches.  They  are  then  transplanted  to  hillside 
clearings,  or  to  unused  rice  fields,  where  they  are  set  out  about  three 


1  The  three  common  varieties  of  squash  are  kalabasa  (Bcnincasa  certifcra), 
tabongau  and  tankoy  (Curcubita  sp.). 

"In   the  vicinity   of    Bakaok   a    small   amount   of    maguey    (Agave   cantula 
Roxb.)  is  raised.    It  is  employed  in  the  making  of  cords. 


406  The  Tinguian 

to  a  foot.  This  transfer  generally  takes  place  near  the  beginning  of 
the  dry  season,  so  that  the  crop  will  be  sure  to  mature  without  the 
damaging  effect  of  water  on  the  leaves.  The  plants  while  lusty  do  not 
attain  the  size  of  those  grown  in  the  valley  regions  of  the  interior. 
As  soon  as  the  leaves  begin  to  turn  a  dark  yellow,  they  are  cut  off 
and  are  strung  on  slender  bamboo  sticks  (Plate  LX),  which  are  then 
hung  up  in  the  house.  When  nearly  dry,  they  are  laid  in  piles,  and  are 
occasionally  turned  to  prevent  rust  or  mildew  from  forming. 

A  small  amount  of  indigo,  tayum  {Indigo f era  tinctoria)  is  raised, 
generally  in  open  spots  near  the  villages.  The  plants  receive  little  or 
no  attention,  yet  still  attain  a  height  of  about  three  feet.  The  leaves 
and  branches  are  placed  in  water  for  a  few  days,  and  are  then  boiled, 
together  with  a  little  lime,  the  resultant  liquor  being  used  as  a  dye  for 
cotton  thread. 

No  product  receives  more  attention  in  the  lore  of  the  Tinguian 
than  the  climbing  vine  known  as  lawed  {Piper  sp.).1  It  was  formerly 
in  universal  use  in  connection  with  the  chewing  of  betel-nut.  To-day 
betel-nut  is  less  common  in  this  region,  but  this  leaf  and  the  areca-nut 
still  play  an  important  part  in  all  ceremonies.  According  to  tradition, 
it  was  possible  in  the  old  times  to  tell  the  fate  of  an  absent  friend  by 
noting  the  condition  of  a  lawed  vine  planted  by  him  prior  to  his  de- 
parture.2 The  vine  is  now  trained  on  poles  and  trellises,  near  to  many 
houses. 

Among  the  larger  cultivated  plants  and  trees,  the  banana  {Musa 
paradisiaca) ,  coconut  {Cocos  nucifera),  and  bamboo  {Bambusa  sp.) 
are  the  most  important. 

At  least  twenty  varieties  of  bananas  are  raised  in  Abra.  The  fruit 
of  some  of  these  is  scarcely  larger  than  the  forefinger,  while  others 
are  quite  large.  The  "common  type  bears  a  rather  small,  yellow  fruit 
locally  known  as  saba.  In  Manabo  and  several  other  villages,  plantings 
covering  three  or  four  acres  are  to  be  found,  but  the  usual  plot  is 
small,  and  is  situated  near  to  the  house  of  the  owner. 

Suckers,  which  sprout  from  the  roots  of  mature  plants,  are  set 
out  as  needed,  either  to  make  new  groves  or  to  replace  the  old  stalks, 
which  are  cut  down  after  bearing.  Both  bud  and  fruit  are  eaten.  The 
latter  are  cut  on  the  stem  while  still  green,  and  are  hung  in  the  house 
to  ripen,  in  order  to  protect  them  from  bats  and  fruit- feeding  birds. 

The  coconut  {nlog)  is  not  raised  in  groves,  as  in  the  Christianized 

1  A  less  esteemed  species  is  known  as  Mowed  ta  aso  ("dog  lawed"). 
1  See  Traditions  of  the  Tinguian,  this  volume,  No.  I,  p.  ioo. 


Economic  Life  407 

districts,  but  in  many  villages  every  house  has  two  or  three  trees  tower- 
ing above  it.  Even  the  interior  mountain  settlements,  like  Lingey, 
Ba-ay,  and  Likuan,  are  hidden  beneath  these  trees,  thus  incidentally 
disposing  of  the  fable  that  "the  coconut  tree  will  not  grow  out  of  sight 
of  the  sea."  Young  trees  have  to  be  protected  by  fences  during  the 
first  two  or  three  years  of  growth,  or  they  will  be  uprooted  by  the 
pigs,  but  from  that  time  on  they  require  little  or  no  care.  They  are  not 
tapped  for  sap,  as  is  customary  in  most  parts  of  the  Philippines,  but 
notches  are  cut  in  the  tree  trunks  in  order  to  supply  foothold  for  the 
fruit  gatherer.  The  nuts  are  cut  off  with  a  knife  as  soon  as  ripe,  else 
they  may  fall  and  cause  death  or  injury  to  people  below. 

No  other  fruit  serves  the  people  in  so  many  ways.  The  juice  is 
relished  as  a  drink,  the  meat  as  a  food,  the  oil  as  a  food  and  hair  dress- 
ing; the  shells  serve  as  dishes  and  cups,  or  are  carved  into  ladles,  while 
the  fibrous  covering  of  the  nut  is  converted  into  foot  wipers,  thread 
brushes,  and  the  like. 

The  betel-nut,  bwa  (Areca  catechu  L.),  is  also  found  in  some  vil- 
lages, particularly  in  the  mountains.  It  is  a  tall,  slender  palm  which 
yields  the  nut  so  prized  throughout  the  Islands  for  chewing. 

Mango-treees,  mangga  {Mangifcra  indica  L.)  appear  here  and 
there  in  valleys  and  on  mountain  sides,  where  the  seeds  have  doubtless 
been  carried  by  birds  or  travelers,  but  considerable  groves  are  found 
in  many  districts.  The  fruit  is  picked  before  it  is  ripe,  and  is  eaten  as  it 
becomes  mellow. 

Other  trees  and  shrubs  which  are  occasionally  planted  are:  Atis 
(Anona  squamosa  L.,  an  American  plant)  prized  both  for  its  fruit  and 
bark — the  latter  being  used  in  rope-making. 

Atatawa  {Jathropha  multifida  L.).  Also  found  in  a  wild  state.  The 
fruit  is  used  as  a  purgative.    The  Jathropha  curcas  L.  is  also  used. 

Daligan  (Averrhoa  carambola  L.)  or  Coromandel  gooseberry.  The 
fruit  is  eaten  without  cooking. 

Lanka  (Artocarpus  integrifolaL,.).    Jackfruit. 

Maling-kapas  or  kapas  to  insit  (Ceiba  pantadra  Gaertn.),  also 
known  by  the  Uocano  as  kapas  sanglay.  This  so-called  "Chinese  cot- 
ton" is  a  small  tree  with  few,  but  perfectly  straight,  branches,  which 
radiate  from  the  trunk  in  horizontal  lines.  It  produces  elliptical  pods 
which  burst  open  when  ripe,  exposing  a  silky  white  cotton.  The  fiber 
is  too  short  for  spinning,  but  is  used  as  tinder  and  as  stuffing  for 
pillows. 

Orange  (lokban)  and  lime  (lolokisen)  trees  are  greatly  prized,  but 


408  The  Tinguian 

appear  only  occasionally.  They  receive  no  care,  and  consequently  yield 
only  inferior  fruit. 

The  pias  (Avcrrhoa  bilimbi  L.)  is  a  garden  tree  which  produces  an 
acid  fruit  used  in  cooking. 

Santol  (Sandoricum  indicum  Cav.)  trees  are  raised  both  for  the 
fruit  and  for  timber.  It  is  said  that  house  posts  of  this  wood  are  not 
attacked  by  white  ants. 

Wild  Plants  and  Trees. — Few  of  the  wild  growths  have  escaped 
the  attention  of  this  people,  and  many  are  used  as  food  and  medicine, 
as  well  as  for  fiber  materials  and  bark  cloth.  Among  those  used  for 
food,  the  following  are  the  most  important : — 

A  pang  or  sapang  {Bixa  orellana  L.). 

Alloseup   (Antidesma  ghesaembilla  Gaertn.). 

Bayabas,  or  lemon  guava  (Psidium  guayava  L.),  an  American 
shrub  which  now  grows  wild,  and  in  great  abundance,  in  the  mountains. 

Balatong  {Phase olus  mungo  L.).    Only  the  seeds  are  used. 

Damokes  (Pithecolobium  dulce  Benth.),  an  American  tree  which 
now  grows  spontaneously  in  northern  Luzon.  The  fruit  is  eaten,  while 
the  bark  is  sometimes  used  for  tanning. 

Ipako  (P 'so pilocarpus  tetragonolobus  D.C.),  a  herbaceous  vine 
infrequently  seen  in  the  gardens.  The  young  pods  are  used  as  a 
condiment. 

Kochai  (Allium  tricoccum)  or  wild  leek. 

Katodai  (Sesbania  grandiflora  P.).   Only  the  flowers  are  eaten. 

Kama-al  (Allaeanthus  lusonicus  Blanco.  Vill.). 

Kalot  (Dioscorea  daemona  Roxb.),  a  tuber,  poisonous  if  eaten 
without  special  preparation.  It  is  cut  into  small  pieces,  and  is  placed  in 
running  water  for  several  days,  after  which  it  is  cooked. 

Kamatis  (Lycopersicum  esculentum  Mill.),  tiny  tomatoes  which 
are  eaten  raw  or  cooked. 

Labok  (Colocasia  antiquorum  Schott). 

Longboy  (Eugenia  jambolana  Lam.). 

Olo  (Cissus  sp.),  a  low  climbing  herb,  the  stems  and  leaves  of 
which  are  used  in  place  of  vinegar. 

Palda  (Phaseolus  lunatus  L.),  civet  bean. 

Sili  (Capsicum  frutescens  L.),  small  red  peppers.  The  American 
chile.  Used  as  a  condiment. 

Specimens  of  about  twenty  other  food  plants  and  trees  were 
obtained,  but  their  identification  was  impossible. 

The  wild  growths  used  as  medicines,  or  in  the  manufacture  of 
string,  rope,  and  bark  cloth,  will  be  mentioned  under  those  headings. 


Economic  Life  409 

Plants  and  Trees  Used  in  the  Treatment  of  Disease. — Most 
sickness  is  thought  to  be  caused  by  spirits,  either  with  evil  intent  or  to 
punish  some  wrong-doing  or  oversight  on  the  part  of  the  people.  To 
placate  or  bribe  these  superior  beings,  elaborate  ceremonies  are  held, 
but  in  addition  to  these  a  number  of  simple  remedies  are  made  use  of. 
The  efficacy  of  some  of  these  medicines  is  explained  by  the  fact  that 
certain  leaves  or  infusions  are  distasteful  to  the  spirits  of  disease, 
which,  consequently,  take  their  departure.  Again,  a  trouble  such  as  a 
tooth-ache  is  caused  by  a  small  worm  which  is  gnawing  at  the  tooth. 
To  overcome  this,  the  bark  and  leaves #of  the  aletn  tree  are  thoroughly 
beaten,  and  are  applied  to  the  face.  The  worm  smells  the  crushed  leaves, 
and  straightway  enters  the  poultice  which  is  then  burned.  The  spirits 
which  bring  the  cholera  can  be  driven  away  by  burning  the  leaves  of 
sobosob  (Blumea  balsamifera) ,  bangbangsit  (Hyptis  suavolens  Poir.) 
and  dala  (?)  beneath  the  house;  likewise,  the  bark  of  the  bani  (?) 
keeps  the  bearers  of  constipation  at  a  distance.  Bangbangsit  is  also  con- 
sidered as  a  cure  for  stomachache,  diarrhoea,  and  is  an  aid  in  bringing 
on  menstruation.  When  used  for  these  purposes,  the  root  is  boiled,  and 
the  liquor  is  drunk.  The  fresh  leaves  will  also  relieve  a  pain  in  the 
stomach  if  applied  to  it,  while  the  fruit  is  eaten  to  cure  diarrhoea.  If 
the  patient  is  already  affected  with  cholera  or  dysentery,  the  leaves  of 
the  sobosob  are  placed  in  a  jar  of  water  at  the  mouth  of  which  a  clay 
ball  is  suspended,  and  the  whole  is  then  completely  covered  with  banana 
leaves.  The  pot  it  placed  over  a  fire,  and  the  steam  being  unable  to 
escape  is  absorbed  by  the  clay.  Later  this  is  crushed,  is  mixed  with 
water,  and  is  swallowed  by  the  patient.  Lard  burned  to  a  crisp  is  like- 
wise mixed  with  water,  and  is  drunk  to  relieve  diarrhoea. 

Fever  is  a  frequent  ailment,  and  several  medicines  are  employed 
against  it.  The  most  common  is  to  crush  the  leaves  of  the  dangla 
(Vitex  negundo  L.)  in  vinegar  made  from  basi,  and  to  add  to  this  a 
fourth  part  of  urine.  The  patient  drinks  a  shell  cup  of  the  liquor,  is 
washed  in  cold  water,  and  then  is  briskly  rubbed  with  fine  salt.  Young 
banana  leaves  are  applied  to  the  flesh,  and  over  these  blankets  are 
placed.  This  is  repeated  twice  daily  until  the  fever  is  broken.  Wild 
tomato  leaves,  pounded  and  applied  to  the  abdomen,  are  also  considered 
valuable  in  causing  the  patient  to  sweat.  If  the  trouble  is  unusually 
severe,  a  hot  bath  is  prepared  by  boiling  the  leaves  of  the  lemon,  atis 
(Anona  squamosa  L.),  and  toltolang  (?)  trees  in  water.  After  the 
patient  has  been  bathed  in  this,  he  is  wrapped  in  blankets.  The  same 
remedy  is  used  to  cure  fits. 

Snake  bite  is  treated  by  chewing  the  bark  of  the  alonen  (Streblus 


410  The  Tinguian 

asper  Lour.),  or  kasabong  (Argemone  mexicana  L.),  or  the  root  of 
the  talabatab  (Capparis  micracantha  D.C.),  all  of  which  cause  vomi- 
ting. 

The  fruit  of  the  soloyot  {Cor chorus  olitorius  L.),  when  baked  and 
ground  to  a  powder,  likewise  produces  vomiting,  and  is  used  for  any 
kind  of  poisoning. 

To  relieve  the  itch,  the  juice  of  the  kabatiti  (Luff a  acutangula 
Roxb.),  Bayabas  (Psidium  guajava  L.)  or  lew-lew  (Ficus  haulili 
Blanco)  is  mixed  with  vinegar  and  soot,  and  is  applied  to  the  skin.  The 
milky  exudation  of  the  kalinbwaya  (Euphorbia  neriifolia  L.)  is  also 
placed  on  the  affected  parts. 

During  the  rainy  season  the  people  are  greatly  troubled  with  small 
blisters  which  form  between  the  toes  and  quickly  break  down,  leaving 
open  sores.   To  "harden"  the  feet,  they  hold  them  over  burning  straw. 

Certain  other  aids  against  disease  are  also  employed.  Cracked  feet 
are  treated  with  carabao  dung;  the  nest  of  a  small  cave  bird  (riido) 
is  crushed  in  water,  and  is  drunk  as  a  cure  for  coughs ;  while  the  flesh 
of  the  shell  fish  (kool)  is  applied  to  boils.  A  further  cure  for  the 
itch  is  made  by  pounding  a  coconut  shell  into  a  fine  powder.  This  is 
placed  in  a  jar,  over  a  hot  fire,  and  a  piece  of  iron  is  laid  over  the  top. 
The  "sweat"  which  collects  on  the  iron  is  said  to  give  instant  relief. 

An  infected  ("bad")  finger  or  limb  is  tightly  bound  "to  keep  the 
sickness  from  going  up." 

Use  of  Betel-Nut,  Tobacco,  and  Stimulants. — A  study  of  the 
tales  and  ceremonies  makes  it  evident  that  the  betel-nut  (bwa)  was  at 
one  time  extensively  used.  To-day  it  occupies  an  exceedingly  impor- 
tant place  in  the  religious  rites,  but  is  seldom  chewed.  When  it  is 
offered  to  the  spirits,  it  is  still  prepared  in  the  way  that  is  universal 
throughout  Malaysia.  The  nut  of  the  areca  palm  (Areca  catechu  L.) 
is  split  into  four  pieces,  fresh  lime  is  spread  on  a  piper  leaf  (Piper 
betel  L.),  this  is  wrapped  about  the  piece  of  nut,  and  is  ready  for 
chewing.  The  areca  palm  grows  well  in  this  territory,  and  quite  an 
extensive  grove  is  to  be  found  near  the  village  of  Bakaok,  yet  this  is 
the  only  place  where  any  number  of  the  people  are  addicted  to  its  use. 
Tobacco  (tabdo),  on  the  other  hand,  is  in  universal  use,  although  it 
certainly  was  introduced  after  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards.  The  leaf 
is  dried,  and  is  rolled  into  thin  cigars  which  are  placed  in  tiny  pipes 
(Fig.  21 ).  The  cigar  itself  is  never  held  in  the  lips,  nor  is  the  leaf 
chewed.  Young  and  old  of  both  sexes  smoke  frequently,  but  not  a 
great  deal  at  a  time.  After  taking  a  few  puffs,  the  pipe  is  stuck  into 
the  hair,  or  under  the  inner  band  of  the  hat,  until  again  needed. 


Economic  Life  411 

The  only  intoxicating  drink  made  and  used  by  this  people  is  the 
fermented  juice  of  the  sugar-cane,  known  as  bast.  The  juice  when 
extracted  from  the  cane  is  boiled  with  water  for  four  or  five  hours.  It 
is  placed  in  a  large  jar  together  with  cinnamon  bark,  and  is  tightly 
covered  over  with  leaves.  Fermentation  begins  almost  at  once,  but  for 
a  month  the  drink  is  raw  and  little  prized.  In  three  or  four  months, 
it  becomes  quite  mellow  and  pleasant  to  the  taste.  Jars  are  sometimes 
stored  away  to  be  opened  only  for  some  important  event,  such  as  a  mar- 
riage festival  or  the  celebration  of  a  great  ceremony.  At  such  a 
time  a  very  definite  procedure  is  followed.  The  most  honored  guest 
is  invited  to  do  the  serving.  He  removes  the  covering,  dips  into  the 
liquor,  pours  a  little  on  the  sides  of  the  jar,  and  then  a  few  drops  on 
the  ground  as  an  offering  to  the  spirits.  A  coconut  shell  cup  is  then 
dipped  out,  and  is  carried  to  the  lakay  or  some  other  old  man.  Before 
he  drinks,  he  raises  the  cup  to  the  level  of  his  face,  and,  beginning  at 
his  right,  offers  it  to  each  person  in  the  circle.  The  one  saluted  makes 
a  gesture  away  from  his  body  with  his  right  hand,  the  palm  upturned. 
When  all  have  refused  the  cup,  the  man  drinks,  often  he  stops  to  sing 
the  daleng,  an  improvised  song  in  which  he  compliments  his  host, 
bespeaks  the  welfare  of  his  family,  or  praises  the  other  members  of  the 
gathering.  One  after  another  the  guests  are  served,  but  always  accord- 
ing to  age  and  importance,  the  women  and  young  people  being  left  to 
the  last.  The  liquor  is  quite  intoxicating,  two  or  three  drinks  being 
sufficient  to  put  the  company  in  a  jovial  mood.  It  often  happens  that 
one  or  more  will  become  gloriously  drunk,  but,  as  a  rule,  they  are  not 
quarrelsome,  and  there  seems  to  be  no  unpleasant  after-effects.1 

Domestic  Animals. — Dogs,  pigs,  chickens,  and  carabao  appear  to 
have  been  long  in  the  possession  of  this  tribe.  Horses,  goats,  and  cattle 
are  now  owned  by  some  of  the  people,  but  only  the  former  are  of 
sufficient  number  to  be  considered  important. 

The  dogs  (aso)  are  surly,  ill-kept  creatures  of  mongrel  breed.  They 
are  seldom  treated  as  pets,  but  are  kept  for  hunting.  Well-fed  dogs  are 
considered  lazy,  and  hence  they  are  fed  only  with  a  rice  gruel,  which 
seems  to  be  neither  fattening  nor  satisfactory.  When  in  the  village, 
the  miserable  creatures  wander  about  under  the  houses,  there  to  pick 
up  and  fight  over  morsels  which  may  drop  from  above,  or  they  lie  in 
the  ashes  of  the  bonfires,  the  better  to  protect  themselves  from  fleas 

*A  similar  drink  was  used  ceremonially  in  Pangasinan  in  1640.  See 
Aduarte,  Historia;  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XXX,  p.  186.  It  is  still  found 
in  many  portions  of  the  archipelago. 


412  The  Tinguian 

and  other  enemies.  When  used  in  hunting,  they  are  kept  in  leash 
until  the  game  is  started.  When  released,  they  follow  the  quarry  at 
full  cry,  and  if  the  game  has  been  injured,  they  will  seldom  give  up  the 
chase.  It  is  necessary  for  the  hunters  to  follow  the  dogs  closely  and 
beat  them  off  a  slain  animal,  otherwise  they  will  quickly  devour  it. 
They  are  always  rewarded  with  a  part  of  the  intestines  and  some  other 
portions,  so  that  they  may  be  keen  for  the  next  hunt. 

Pigs  (babuy)  run  at  large  throughout  the  villages  or  in  the  neigh- 
boring underbrush.  They  are  fed  at  night  close  to  the  dwellings,  and 
thus  become  at  least  half  tame  (Plate  LXI).  Many  spend  the  hot 
hours  of  mid-day  beneath  the  houses,  from  which  they  are  occasionally 
driven  by  the  irate  housewives,  when  their  squealing  and  fighting 
become  unbearable.  The  domestic  pigs  are  probably  all  descended 
from  the  wild  stock  with  which  they  still  constantly  mix.  Most  of 
the  young  pigs  are  born  with  yellow  stripes  like  the  young  of  the  wild, 
but  they  lose  these  marks  in  a  short  time.  Castration  of  the  young 
males  is  usually  accomplished  when  the  animals  are  about  two  months 
old. 

Considerable  numbers  of  chickens  (manok)  are  raised.  Nets  or 
coops  are  arranged  for  them  beneath  the  houses,  but  they  run  at  large 
during  the  day  time.  Eggs  are  an  important  part  of  the  food  supply, 
but  the  fowls  themselves  are  seldom  killed  or  eaten,  except  in  con- 
nection with  the  ceremonies.  The  domestic  birds  closely  resemble  the 
wild  fowl  of  the  neighborhood,  and  probably  are  descended  from 
them.  Except  for  a  few  strongly  influenced  settlements,  cock-fighting 
has  no  hold  upon  this  people. 

The  carabao  or  water  buffalo  (nuang)  is  the  most  prized  and  val- 
uable animal  possessed  by  this  tribe.  As  a  rule,  it  is  handled  and  petted 
by  the  children  from  the  time  of  its  birth,  and  hence  its  taming  and 
breaking  is  a  matter  of  little  moment.  In  the  mountain  region  about 
Lakub,  where  most  of  the  animals  are  allowed  to  run  half  wild,  only 
the  strongest  are  broken.  The  animal  is  driven  into  a  A-shaped  pen, 
and  a  heavy  pole  is  fastened  across  its  neck  just  behind  the  horns. 
It  is  thus  prevented  from  using  its  strength,  and  is  loaded  or  ridden 
until  it  becomes  accustomed  to  the  treatment.  Carabao  are  used  for 
drawing  the  sleds  and  for  ploughing  and  harrowing  in  the  lower  fields. 
Should  one  be  seriously  injured,  it  would  be  killed  and  eaten ;  but 
strong  animals  are  slaughtered  only  on  very  rare  occasions.  Wild 
carabao  are  fairly  abundant  in  the  mountains.  They  closely  resemble 
the  tame  stock,  and  are  generally  considered  to  be  derived  from  animals 
which  have  escaped. 


IX.     PRODUCTS  OF  INDUSTRY 

Iron- Working. — Little  iron  work  is  now  done  in  the  valley  of  the 
Abra  for  the  competition  of  the  Ilocano  smiths  of  Santa  and  Narvacan, 
in  Ilocos  Sur,  and  the  cheap  products  brought  to  the  coast,  and  as  far 
inland  as  Bangued,  by  Chinese  traders,  have  swamped  the  native 
industry. 

Forges  are  still  found  in  many  villages  of  eastern  Abra,  partic- 
ularly those  of  the  upper  Buklok  river,  but  the  real  center  of  the 
industry  is  in  and  around  Balbalasang,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
mountain  range. 

We  have  in  northern  Luzon  a  situation  similar  to  that  found 
throughout  the  archipelago,  namely,  that  the  most  flourishing  smithies 
are  usually  those  farthest  removed  from  the  coast  traders.  Where 
communication  is  easy  and  trade  unrestricted,  the  native  industry 
has  vanished,  or  is  on  the  wane.  To-day  the  forges  of  the  Bontoc 
Igorot,  of  the  Tinguian-Kalinga  border  villages,  and  of  Apayao,  are 
turning  out  superior  weapons,  but  elsewhere  in  the  northwestern 
districts  the  pagan  people  have  either  lost  the  art,  or  make  only  .very 
inferior  articles. 

It  is  certain  that  iron-working  has  long  been  known,  not  only  in  the 
Philippines,  but  throughout  Malaysia,  and  it  is  likewise  evident  that 
these  regions  secured  the  art  from  the  same  source  as  did  the  people 
of  Assam,  Burma,  and  eastern  Madagascar,  for  the  description  of  the 
Tinguian  forge  and  iron-working  which  follows  would,  with  very  little 
modification,  apply  equally  well  to  those  in  use  in  Southern  Mindanao, 
Borneo,  Java,  Sumatra,  Assam,  Burma,  and  Madagascar.1 

Long  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spanish  in  the  Philippines,  the 
Chinese  had  built  up  such  a  lively  trade  in  iron  bars  and  caldrons  that 
it  was  no  longer  necessary  for  the  natives  to  smelt  their  own  iron  ore ; 


1  Cole,  The  Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District,  Mindanao  (Field  Museum  of 
Natural  History,  Vol.  XII,  No.  2,  pp.  82-83)  ;  Hose  and  McDougall,  The 
Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  I,  pp.  194-195  (MacMillan  and  Co.,  London,  1912)  ; 
Raffles,  History  of  Java,  Vol.  1,  pp.  192-193;  Marsden,  History  of  Sumatra. 
3rd  edition  (London,  1811),  p.  181;  Ferrais,  Burma,  p.  105  (Low,  Marston  and 
Co.,  London,  1901)  ;  Peal  (Journ.  Anth.  Inst,  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
Vol.  XXII,  p.  250,  also  Plate  XIV,  fig.  No.  2). 

413 


414  The  Tinguian 

if  indeed  they  ever  did  so.1  This  trade  metal  was  widely  distributed, 
and  then  reworked  by  the  local  smiths.  Even  to-day  the  people  of 
Balbalasang  make  the  long  journey  to  Bangued,  or  even  to  Vigan,  to 
secure  Chinese  iron,  which  they  carry  back  to  their  mountain  forges. 
There  is  no  positive  proof  that  the  Filipinos  formerly  mined  and 
smelted  iron,  but  there  is  a  strong  probability  that  they  did  so,  prior  to 
the  introduction  of  trade  metal.  It  has  already  been  noted  that  the 
Tinguian  type  of  forge  and  the  method  of  handling  and  tempering  iron 
is  widespread  in  Malaysia;  and,  as  will  be  seen  later,  this  process  is 
not  that  in  use  among  the  Chinese,  so  that  it  is  unlikely  that  the  art 
was  introduced  by  them.  In  furnishing  iron  ready  for  forging,  they 
were  simply  supplying  in  a  convenient  form  an  article  already  in  use, 
and  for  wjnich  there  was  an  urgent  demand.  In  the  islands  to  the 
south  we  find  that  many  of  the  pagan  tribes  do  now,  or  did  until 
recently,  mine  and  smelt  the  ore.  Beccari2  tells  us  that  the  Kayan  of 
Borneo  extract  iron  ore  found  in  their  own  country.  Hose  and  Mc- 
Dougall  say  that  thirty  years  ago  nearly  all  the  iron  worked  by  the 
tribes  of  the  interior  of  Borneo  was  from  ore  found  in  the  river  beds. 
At  present  most  of  the  pagans  obtain  the  metal  from  the  Chinese  and 
Malay  traders,  but  native  ore  is  still  smelted  in  the  far  interior.3 
Foreign  iron  is  now  used  by  the  Battak  of  Sumatra,  but  deserted  iron- 
works are  known  to  exist  in  their  country,  while  the  Menangkabau 
still  possess  smelting  furnaces.4  It  seems  probable  that  the  whole 
industry  had  a  common  source,  and  was  spread  or  carried  as  a  unit, 
but  when  trade  relations  made  the  arduous  work  of  mining  and  smelt- 
ing unnecessary,  it  was  quickly  given  up.  That  native  iron  might  have 
supplied  the  needs  of  many  Philippine  tribes,  including  the  Tinguian, 
is  certain,  for  important  deposits  of  magnetite  and  hematite  are  found 
in  Abra,  in  Ilocos  Norte,  Angat,  Bulacan,  Albay,  and  other  parts  of  the 
Islands.5     On  several  occasions,  when  on  the  trail,  the  natives  have 

1Rockhill,  T'oung  Pao,  Vol.  XVI,  1915,  pp.  268-269;  Blair  and  Robertson, 
op.  cit.,  Vols.  II,  p.  116;  III,  p.  209;  IV,  p.  74;  XXIX,  p.  307;  XL,  p.  48,  note; 
Philippine  Census,  Vol.  I,  p.  482  (Washington,  1905).  De  Morga,  Sucesos  de 
las  Islas  Philipinas  (1609),  see  Hakluyt  Soc.  edition,  pp.  338,  et  seq.  (London, 
1868). 

2  Wanderings  in  the  Great  Forests  of  Borneo  (Constable,  London,  1904), 
pp.  282-283.  See  also  Low,  Sarawak — Its  Inhabitants  and  Productions,  pp.  158, 
209  (London,  1848). 

8  Op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  193-194. 

4Ratzel,  History  of  Mankind,  Vol.  I.  p.  434;  Marsden,  op.  cit.,  pp.  173,  181, 
347  note. 

6  Fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  Mining  Bureau  of  the  Philippine  Islands, 
p.  31 ;  Official  Catalogue  of  the  Philippine  Exhibit,  Universal  Exposition,  p.  231 
(St.  Louis,  1904). 


Products  of  Industry  415 

called  our  attention  to  boulders,  apparently  of  hematite,  which  they 
recognized  as  iron. 

The  smithies  are  small  structures  with  grass  roofs,  but  no  sides 
or  floors  (Plate  LXII).  At  one  end  is  a  raised  bamboo  bench  in  front 
of  which  stands  the  forge.  This  consists  of  two  upright  wooden 
cylinders,  usually  logs  hollowed  out,  known  as  po-opan.  In  each  of 
these  is  a  piston  or  plunger  (doEydoyog)  at  the  lower  end  of  which  is 
a  wooden  ring  packed  with  corn  husks  and  chicken  feathers.  When 
this  is  pushed  downward  in  the  cylinder,  it  compresses  the  air  and 
forces  it  out  of  the  small  opening  in  the  base,  but  when  it  is  drawn  up, 
the  packing  collapses  and  allows  the  plunger  to  be  raised  without 
effort.  These  pistons  are  worked  so  that  one  is  rising,  while  the  other 
is  falling.  The  cylinders  stand  in  a  wooden  block  out  of  which  bam- 
boo tubes  (tolongon)  conduct  the  air  into  a  tube  of  fire  clay  (ibong), 
and  this  in  turn  carries  it  into  the  charcoal  fire.  There  are  no  valves, 
as  in  the  Chinese  bellows,  but  the  bamboo  tubes  fit  loosely,  and  the  fire 
is  not  drawn  back.  Near  to  the  hearth  is  a  stone  anvil  (dalisdlsan) , 
while  a  heavy  stone  hammer,  a  small  iron  hammer,  and  iron  pinchers 
complete  the  outfit. 

The  fire  is  lighted,  and  the  operator  sitting  on  the  bench  alternately 
raises  and  lowers  the  plungers  in  the  cylinders  until  the  fire  burns 
brightly ;  then  the  smith  puts  metal .  into  the  coals  and  allows  it  to 
remain  until  it  reaches  a  white  heat.  It  is  then  removed  and  placed 
on  the  anvil,  where  his  helper  beats  it  out  with  the  large  hammer.  This 
is  a  stone  weighing  twenty  or  more  pounds,  fitted  inside  the  handles 
so  that  it  can  be  used  with  both  hands.  As  a  rule,  it  is  swung  between 
the  legs,  and  is  allowed  to  strike  the  metal  as  it  descends,  but  some  of 
the  men  raise  it  above  the  shoulder  and  strike  a  much  more  powerful 
blow.  If  two  pieces  of  metal  are  to  be  welded  together,  as  is  often  the 
case  when  broken  caldrons  are  used,  they  are  laid,  one  overlapping  the 
other,  and  are  held  together  with  damp  fire-clay.  In  this  condition 
they  are  placed  in  the  fire  and  heated,  and  are  then  beaten  together.  It 
often  takes  several  firings  to  bring  about  a  perfect  weld. 

After  the  initial  shaping,  the  smith  completes  the  work  with  the 
small  hammer,  and  the  blade  is  ready  for  tempering.  A  bamboo  tube 
of  water  is  placed  near  by,  and  the  blade  is  again  inserted  in  the  fire 
and  brought  to  a  white  heat.  Then  the  smith  withdraws  it  and  watches 
it  intently  until  the  white  tone  begins  to  turn  to  a  greenish-yellow, 
when  he  plunges  it  into  the  water.  The  tempered  blade  is  now 
smoothed  down  with  sandstone,  and  is  whetted  to  a  keen  edge.    Head- 


416  The  Tinguian 

axes,  spear-heads,  adzes,  a  few  knives,  and  the  metal  ends  for  the 
spear-shafts  are  the  principal  products  of  the  forge. 

The  blades  are  by  no  means  of  equal  temper  or  perfection,  but  the 
smiths  of  the  Tinguian-Kalinga  border  villages  seldom  turn  out  poor 
weapons,  and  as  a  result,  their  spears  and  head-axes  have  a  wide  distri- 
bution over  northwestern  Luzon. 

In  view  of  the  wide  distribution  of  this  type  of  forge  and  method 
of  iron-working;  of  its  persistence  in  isolated  communities,  while  it 
has  vanished  from  the  coast,  or  has  been  superseded  by  the  Chinese 
methods  of  work ;  as  well  as  of  other  details  here  described,  the  writer 
is  of  the  opinion  that  the  art  has  not  been  introduced  into  the  Philip- 
pines through  trade,  but  is  a  possession  which  many  or  all  of  the  tribes 
brought  with  them  from  their  ancient  home,  probably  somewhere  in 
southeastern  Asia.  The  effects  of  trade,  in  historic  times,  are  evident 
throughout  the  Christianized  regions,  in  Chinese  and  European  forges 
and  in  foreign  types  of  utensils.  Likewise  the  influence  of  the  Moham- 
medanized  tribes  is  very  marked  in  the  Sulu  archipelago,  the  western 
coasts  of  Mindanao,  and  even  among  many  of  the  pagan  tribes  of 
that  island,  but  the  isolated  forges  throughout  Malaysia  and  the 
methods  described  by  early  explorers  in  this  field,  are  practically 
identical  with  those  just  reviewed. 

Spinning  and  Weaving. — That  cotton  (kapas)  was  being  raised 
and  the  fibre  spun  into  cloth  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  occupation  of 
the  Islands,  is  amply  proved  by  many  references  in  the  early  chronicles. 
Also  there  was  a  considerable  trade  in  cotton,  silk,  and  the  like,  carried 
on  by  the  Chinese  and  the  Brunei  Moro.1 

The  weaving  industry  seems  to  have  reached  its  height  in  the 
Ilocos  provinces,  where  the  processes  of  ginning,  carding,  spinning,  and 
weaving  were,  for  the  most  part,  identical  with  those  found  in  Borneo, 
Java,  the  Malay  Peninsula,  Burma,  and  a  large  part  of  India.2  The 
same  methods  and  utensils  are  used  among  the  Tinguian,  but  side  by 
side  with  the  more  complicated  devices,  such  as  the  ginning  machine 
and  spinning  wheel,  are  found  more  simple  contrivances ;  so  it  would 


1  Blair  and  Robertson,  The  Philippine  Islands,  Vol.  II,  pp.  116,  207;  Vol. 
Ill,  pp.  203,  270;  Vol.  IV,  p.  98;  Vol.  V,  p.  145;  Vol.  VIII,  p.  84;  Vol.  XII, 
p.  187;  Vol.  XVI,  p.  106.  Zuniga,  Estadismo  (Retana's  edition),  Vol.  II, 
pp.  41,  04. 

2  Foreman,  The  Philippine  Islands,  p.  361  (London,  1892);  Bezmer,  Door 
Nederlandsch  Oost-Indie,  p.  308  (Groningen,  1906)  ;  Skeat,  Man,  Vol.  I.  1901, 
p.  178;  Raffles,  History  of  Java,  2d  ed.,  Vol.  I,  p.  186  (London,  1830)  ;  Bren- 
don  (Journal  of  Indian  Art  and  Industry,  Vol.  X,  No.  82,  pp.  17,  et  seq.). 


Products  of  Industry  417 

appear  that  we  are  here  dealing  with  older  and  more  primitive  methods 
of  work  than  are  found  on  the  coast.1 

Every  step  in  the  manufacture  of  cloth  is  looked  after  by  the 
women,  who  raise  a  limited  amount  of  cotton  in  the  upland  fields,  pick 
and  dry  the  crop,  and  prepare  it  for  weaving.  The  bolls  are  placed  on 
racks,  and  are  sun-dried,  after  which  the  husks  are  removed  by  hand. 

Ginning  is  accomplished  by  two  methods.  The  simplest,  and  doubt- 
less the  older,  is  to  place  the  cotton  on  a  smooth  wooden  block  and  to 
roll  over  it  a  wooden  cylinder  which  tapers  slightly  toward  each  end 
(Fig.  16,  No.  1).  The  palm  of  the  hand,  at  the  base  of  the  fingers,  is 
placed  on  the  roller  and  the  weight  of  the  body  applied,  as  the  cylinder 
is  moved  slowly  forward,  forcing  the  seeds  from  the  floss.'-  The  more 
common  instrument  (lilldsan)  acts  on  the  principle  of  a  clothes 
wringer  (Plate  LXIII).  Two  horizontal  cylinders  of  wood  are  geared 
together  at  one  end,  and  are  mounted  in  a  wooden  frame  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  are  quite  close  together,  yet  not  in  contact.  A  handle 
is  attached  to  the  lower  roller  at  the  end  opposite  the  gears,  and  as  it 
is  turned,  it  rotates  the  cylinders  in  opposite  directions.  A  piece  of 
cotton  is  pressed  between  the  rollers,  which  seize  the  fibres  and  carry 
them  through,  while  the  seeds  are  forced  back  and  fall  to  the  ground. 

The  cleaned  cotton  is  never  bowed  or  otherwise  separated  with  a 
vibrating  string,  as  is  the  case  in  Java,  India,  and  China,  but  the  same 
result  is  obtained  by  placing  it  on  a  piece  of  carabao  hide  and  beating  it 
with  two  rattan  sticks  until  it  becomes  soft  and  fluffy  (Plate  LXIV). 

After  the  carding,  the  cotton  is  spun  by  placing  it  in  a  hollow 
cylinder  of  palm  bark  attached  to  a  bamboo  stick  (HbtibEan).  A  bit 
of  thread  is  twisted  from  the  cotton  at  the  bottom  of  the  cylinder,  and 
is  attached  to  a  spindle,  which  is  rubbed  rapidly  against  the  naked 
thigh,  and  is  then  allowed  to  turn  in  shallow  basket,  or  on  a  piece  of 
hide.  As  it  spins  it  twists  out  new  thread  and  the  arm  of  the  operator 
rises  higher  and  higher,  until  at  last  the  spindle  stops.  The  position  of 
the  extended  arm  is  then  altered,  and  the  spindle  again  set  in  motion  in 
order  to  wind  up  the  new  thread  on  the  shaft.  While  the  spinning  is 
progressing,  the  free  hand  of  the  operator  is  passed  rapidly  up  and 
down  the  thread,  keeping  the  tension  uniform  and  rubbing  out  any 
inequalities  (Plate  LXV). 

1  Weaving  in  cotton  is  a  recent  introduction  among  the  neighboring  Bontoc 
Igorot.  Formerly  their  garments  were  made  of  flayed  bark,  or  were  woven 
from  local  fiber  plants.  The  threads  from  the  latter  were  spun  or  twisted  on  the 
naked  thigh  under  the  palm  of  the  hand.  Cf.  Jenks,  The  Bontoc  Igorot,  p.  113 
(Manila,  1905). 

*  A  similar  device  is  used  in  Burma. 


4i8 


The  Tinguian 


3 

Fig.  16. 
Devices  Used  in  Spininng  and  Weaving. 


Products  of  Industry  419 

In  many  sections  the  spinning  wheel  used  by  the  coast  natives  is 
beginning  to  replace  the  hand  outfit  (Fig.  16,  No.  5).  The  mass  of 
fiber  is  held  in  the  left  hand,  and  a  thread  from  it  is  attached  to  a 
horizontal  spindle,  which  is  turned  by  a  cord  passing  over  a  large 
wheel.  This  method  is  much  more  rapid  than  the  hand  device,  but 
the  thread  is  less  uniform,  and  it  is  seldom  utilized  when  a  fine  fabric 
is  to  be  woven.  Bamboo  bobbins,  consisting  of  small  tubes,  are  also 
wound  by  attaching  them  to  the  spindle  shaft,  so  that  the  thread  is 
transferred  by  the  revolution  of  the  wheel. 

As  soon  as  the  thread  is  spun,  it  is  placed  on  a  bamboo  frame 
(lalabayan),  Fig.  16,  No.  2,  on  which  it  is  measured  and  made  ready 
for  the  combing  and  sizing.  As  it  is  taken  from  the  measuring  frame, 
a  bamboo  rod  is  passed  through  each  end  of  the  loop,  and  these  are 
fastened  tightly  inside  the  combing  device  (agtatagodan)  by  means  of 
rattan  bands.  The  thread  is  then  carefully  combed  downward  with  a 
coconut  husk  which  is  dipped  in  a  size  of  rice  water  (Plate  LXIII). 
After  drying  it  is  transferred  to  the  shuttles  and  bobbins  by  means  of 
the  wheel  described  in  the  previous  paragraph  or  by  a  more  primitive 
device,  called  ololau  (Fig.  16,  Nos.  4  and  4a).  This  consists  of  four 
horn  hooks  attached  to  bamboo  sticks,  which  pass  through  openings  in 
a  bamboo  tube  in  such  a  manner  that  they  slip  on  each  other,  and  thus 
produce  a  wheel  of  any  size  desired.1  The  tube  fits  loosely  over  a 
wooden  peg  sustaining  the  wheel  in  a  horizontal  position,  yet  turning 
readily.  The  loop  of  threads  from  the  sizing  frame  is  laid  on  the 
hooks,  from  which  it  is  drawn  by  hand  onto  the  bobbins  and  shuttles. 
The  next  step  is  to  prepare  the  warp  for  the  loom.  The  thread  is 
drawn  from  bobbins  on  the  floor,  and  is  first  fastened  to  peg  No.  1  of 
the  warp  winder  (gaganayan) ,  as  shown  in  Fig.  16,  No.  3.  From  here 
it  is  carried  the  length  of  the  board,  around  5,  thence  to  6  and  back 
to  1,  after  again  passing  around  5.  The  peg  a,  which  later  serves  as  a 
lease  rod  in  the  loom,  is  encircled  each  time  by  the  threads  passing 
between  6  and  5.  As  the  warp  is  carried  from  1  toward  5,  it  passes 
outside  2,  3  and  4,  but  when  it  is  returned  to  1,  it  is  inside  these  pegs. 
These  are  the  heddle  rods  of  the  loom,  and  loops  from  them  enclose 
certain  of  the  threads,  thus  determining  the  order  in  which  the  warp 
is  to  be  raised  in  opening  the  shed.2 


1  The  same  type  of  wheel  is  found  in  Java.    See  Mayer,  Een  Blick  in  het 
Javaansche  Volksleven,  Vol.  II,  p.  469  (Leiden,  1897). 

"A  similar  warp  winder  is  described  for  Bombay   (Brendon,  Journal  of 
Indian  Art  and  Industry,  Vol.  X,  No.  82,  1903,  pp.  17,  et  seq.). 


420  The  Tinguian 

The  loom,  while  primitive,  is  far  from  simple  in  its  operation. 
The  warp  is  attached  at  both  ends  to  sticks  or  rollers,  the  far  one  of 
which  is  fastened  to  a  cross  timber  of  the  living  room  (Plate  LXVI). 

The  web  is  kept  stretched  by  means  of  a  strap  or  belt,  which  attaches 
to  the  near  roller  and  then  passes  around  the  waist  of  the  operator, 
who  sits  on  the  floor  with  her  feet  against  a  bamboo  brace.1  The 
arrangement  of  the  lease  rod  and  heddle  sticks  has  been  already 
described ;  in  addition  to  these  the  threads  are  further  controlled  by  a 
reed  board  which  acts  both  as  warp  spacer  and  beater-in.  All  being 
ready  for  the  weaving,  the  shed  is  opened  by  raising  one  of  the  heddle 
sticks,  and  a  heavy  knife-shaped  batten  of  wood  is  slipped  into  the 
opening.  This  is  turned  sideways  to  enlarge  the  shed,  and  a  shuttle 
bearing  the  weft  thread  is  shot  through.  By  raising  and  lowering  the 
heddle  rods  the  position  of  the  warp  is  changed  as  desired,  while  from 
time  to  time  the  weft  threads  are  forced  up  against  the  fabric  by 
means  of  the  reed  board,  and  are  beaten  in  with  the  batten.  Tangling  is 
prevented  by  means  of  several  flat  sticks  which  cross  the  warp  at  some 
distance  from  the  operator ;  while  threads  which  show  signs  of  loosen- 
ing are  carefully  rubbed  with  a  waxed  stick. 

On  this  loom  the  woman  produces  head-bands,  belt,  and  narrow 
strips  of  cloth  which  are  made  up  into  blankets  and  the  like.  These 
fabrics  are  often  in  several  colors  and  exhibit  many  tasty  and  intricate 
designs,  some  of  which  will  be  described  in  the  chapter  on  Decorative 
Art. 

Manufacture  of  Rope  and  String. — At  least  eighteen  trees, 
shrubs,  and  vines  are  used  in  the  making  of  cordage.2  When  small  trees 
or  limbs  are  used,  and  the  bark  does  not  adhere  too  tightly  to  the  wood, 
sections  about  an  arm's  length  are  cut,  and  two  or  four  splices  are  made 
at  the  top.  These  are  loosened  with  a  knife  until  there  is  enough  for 
the  hand  to  grasp,  when  the  bark  can  be  turned  back  like  a  glove. 
Very  large  sections  are  held  by  two  men,  while  a  third  peels  off  the 

x  For  the  distribution  of  this  semi-girdle  or  back  strap,  see  Ling  Roth, 
Studies  in  Primitive  Looms  (Journal  Royal  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Vol.  XLVI,  1916, 
pp.  294,  299). 

'These  are:  altnau  (Grewia  multiflora  Juss.)  ;  babaket  (Helicteres  hirsuta 
Lour.);  laynai — a  large  tree,  unidentified;  lapnek  (Abroma  sp.)  ka'a-ka'ag, 
an  unidentified  shrub;  losoban  (grewia);  pakak,  unidentified;  anabo  (Hibiscus 
pungens  Roxb.);  bangal  (Sterculia  foetida  L.);  saloyot  (Corchoeus  olitorius 
L.)  labtang  (Anamirta  cocculus) ;  atis  (Anona  squamosa  L.);  alagak  (anona) ; 
maling-kapas  (Cciba  pentandra  Gaertn.)  ;  betning  and  daldalopang,  unidentified; 
maguey  (Agave  cantula  Roxb.)  ;  bayog — a  variety  of  bamboo. 


Products  of  Industry 


421 


bark.  With  some  varieties  of  trees  and  shrubs  it  is  found  best  to 
place  the  sections  in  the  sun  to  dry,  then  a  sharp  bend  in  the  stalk 
causes  the  bark  to  separate  from  the  wood  so  that  it  is  easily  peeled 
off. 

When  large  trees  are  used,  the  bark  is  slit  lengthwise  every  six  of 
eight  inches,  and  the  log  is  beaten  with  hard  wood  sticks.  In  a  short 
time  the  covering  loosens  from  the  wood  and  is  pulled  off.  The  out- 
side layer  is  worthless,  but  the  remainder  is  cut  into  strips  about  a 
half  inch  in  width,  and  is  then  split  lengthwise  into  thin  layers. 

In  rope-making  three  strips  are  laid  side  by  side  on  the  thigh  or 
on  a  board,  but  with  their  ends  at  unequal  distances  (Fig.  17,  No.  1). 
These  are  twisted  together,  toward  the  right,  until  a  few  inches  have 
been  turned,  then  the  cord  is  put  over  one  end  of  a  double  forked 
stick  (sikwan) ,  leaving  an  equal  length  on  either  side  (Fig.  17,  No.  3). 
The  two  halves  are  twisted  together  until  the  end  of  one  strip  of  bark 
is  reached;  a  new  piece  is  laid  on  top  of  the  others,  and  as  they  are 
turned,  it  becomes  part  of  the  twist.  As  other  ends  are  met  with,  new 
strips  are  added  in  a  like  manner  until  all  the  bast  desired  has  been 
made.  It  is  then  wound  up  on  the  forked  stick  until  needed. 


Fig.  17. 
Rope-Making  appliances. 

The  rope  machine  (agtatalian)   consists  of  three  wooden  whirls, 

which  constitute  the  forming  device,  and  a  single  whirl  for  the  traveler, 

while  a  grooved  block  serves  to  keep  the  strands  apart  (Fig.  17,  No.  2). 

Three  equal  lengths  of  the  prepared  bast  are  measured,  and  an  end  is 

attached  to  each  of  the  whirls  of  the   forming  machine    (Fig.    17, 

No.  2  a).    However,  only  one  cut  is  made  in  the  bast,  for  strand  3. 


422  The  Tinguian 

All  are  attached  to  the  single  whirl  of  the  traveler,  and  the  process 
begins.  The  operator  at  each  end  turns  his  whirl,  or  set  of  whirls, 
rapidly  toward  the  right,  the  one  with  the  traveler  bracing  his  foot 
against  the  lower  end,  to  keep  the  twisting  bast  under  tension.  A  third 
operator  guides  the  grooved  piece  of  wood  from  the  traveler  toward 
the  forming  machine,  as  the  three  strands  twist  round  each  other  into 
rope.  The  bast  is  known  as  glnisgls,  the  rope  as  tali. 

Vines,  rattan,  and  strips  of  bamboo  are  likewise  twisted  together 
to  form  crude,  but  strong  cordage. 

The  making  of  thread  is  described  under  spinning  and  weaving, 
but  the  cords  used  in  snares  and  the  like  are  prepared  in  a  different 
manner.  The  operator  squats  on  the  ground,  and  taking  a  strip  of 
fiber,  places  it  on  his  thigh ;  then  with  open  palm  he  rolls  it  toward  the 
knee.  The  twisted  bast  is  bent  at  the  center ;  the  thumb  and  forefinger 
of  the  left  hand  hold  the  loop,  and  the  two  strands  are  placed  together. 
These  are  now  rolled  toward  the  knee  as  before,  the  hand  giving  extra 
pressure  on  the  ulnar  side,  and  then  are  rolled  back  toward  the  body 
with  pressure  on  the  radial  side.  When  the  end  of  a  band  is  reached, 
a  new  one  is  rolled  in,  and  the  process  is  continued.  A  tie  at  the  end 
keeps  the  cord  from  untwisting. 

When  very  long  strips  of  fiber  are  used,  two  men  will  work  to- 
gether. One  holds  the  end  of  the  loop,  while  the  other  twists  each 
half  of  the  strip  in  the  same  direction.  Then  placing  them  together 
on  his  thigh,  he  turns  them,  under  pressure,  in  the  opposite  direction, 
thus  making  a  cord. 

Bark  Cloth. — Bark  cloth  is  still  in  common  use  for  men's  head- 
bands and  for  clouts.  It  is  secured  from  the  same  trees  as  the  rope 
material,  but  wider  strips  are  taken,  and  it  is  customary  to  beat  the 


FIG.   18. 

Bark  Beater. 


bark  thoroughly  before  it  is  removed  from  the  wood.  It  is  then  split 
to  the  desired  thickness,  after  which  it  is  beaten  with  wooden  or  bone 
mallets  (gikai),  which  are  generally  grooved  transversely  (Fig.  18). 
The  cloth  produced  is  soft  and  pliable,  but  is  not  of  the  fineness  of 
tapa,  and  it  is  always  in  comparatively  narrow  pieces.    In  no  instance 


Products  of  Industry  423 

was  the  operator  seen  to  beat  two  strips  together  to  gain  greater 
breadth  or  to  repair  breaks. 

Basket  Making. — In  most  districts  the  men  are  the  basket  weav- 
ers, but  in  some  towns,  especially  of  Ilocos  Norte,  the  women  are  skilled 
in  this  industry  (Plate  LXVII).  The  materials  used  are  rattan,  which 
may  be  gathered  at  any  time,  or  bamboo,  which  is  cut  only  during 
the  dry  season  and  under  the  waning  moon.  It  is  firmly  believed  that 
boring  insects  will  not  injure  bamboo  cut  at  this  time,  and  it  is  known 
that  the  dry  period  stalks  are  the  strongest. 

The  tools  employed  are  a  short  knife  or  a  miniature  head-axe 
and  an  awl.  With  the  former  the  operator  scrapes  the  outer  surface, 
and  then  splits  the  tube  into  strips  of  the  desired  width  and  thickness. 
A  certain  number  of  these  strips,  which  are  to  be  used  for  decoration, 
are  rubbed  with  oil,  and  are  held  in  the  smoke  of  burning  pine  or  of 
rice-straw  until  a  permanent  black  is  obtained.1 

Five  weaves  are  recognized  by  the  Tinguian,  but  they  are  really 
variations  of  two — checkerwork  and  the  diagonal  or  twilled. 

The  first  and  most  simple  is  known  as  laga,  the  technic  of  which 
is  the  passing  of  each  element  of  the  weft  under  one  and  over  one 
of  the  warp  elements.  Where  the  warp  and  weft  are  of  uniform  size, 
as  in  mats,  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  the  one  from  the  other,  but 
in  many  cases  the  weft  is  the  smaller.  Fish  traps  and  storage  baskets 
for  mangoes  and  cotton  are  generally  of  this  type  (Fig.  19,  Nos.  1 
and  2). 

A  variation  of  the  laga  known  as  minmindta — "many  eyes" — 
(Fig.  19,  No.  3),  is  found  in  certain  types  of  carrying  baskets,  the 
woven  tops  of  hats,  and  the  like.  Here  the  warp  is  crossed,  and  the 
weft  passes  through  it  in  regular  order  so  as  to  produce  hexagonal 
openings. 

Another  variant  is  known  as  kaldwat2  (Fig.  19,  No.  4).  In  this 
the  warp  stems  are  in  threes.  Starting  from  A  they  are  bent  down, 
pass  over  and  under  similar  sets  of  three,  curve  on  themselves  or 
other  warp  stems  so  as  to  leave  open  spaces  between.  The  rattan  wall- 
hangers  for  coconut  shell  dishes  are  usually  in  this  weave. 

The  greater  part  of  the  baskets  are  in  the  diagonal  or  twilled 
weave,  in  which  each  element  of  the  weft  passes  over  two  or  more 
warp  elements.  Variations  are  numerous,  either  to  produce  certain 

1  It  is  not  essential  that  the  oil  be  applied,  and  oftentimes  whole  sections  are 
colored  before  being  split. 

2  From  kdzvat,  the  twisting  of  vines  about  a  tree. 


424 


The  Tinguian 


^    I7il  ^   m 


E 


ii_ 


^3 


2 


Fig.  19. 
Basket  Weaves. 


Products  of  Industry  425 

effects  or  to  accommodate  designs.  Of  these  the  most  common  are 

1  under   2   over  2    etc. 

2  under   2   over  2   etc. 
2   under  4   over  4   etc. 

The  weaver  also  frequently  constructs  the  bottom  with  2  over  4 
under  4 ;  then  when  the  sides  are  made  he  changes  to  1  over  2  under 
2.  until  the  center  is  reached ;  then  1  of  the  warp  passes  over  3  of  the 
weft;  for  the  balance  the  stitch  is  1  over  2  under  2.  This  variation 
produces  a  chevron-like  pattern  which,  in  general,  is  known  as  binakol; 
but  when  it  is  desired  to  designate  more  closely,  this  name  is  applied 
to  the  weaving  having  an  oblique  effect  (Fig.  19,  No.  5),  while  the 
horizontal  is  known  as  dinapdlig  (Fig.  19,  No.  6). 

Types  of  Baskets: — Plates  LXVIII  and  LXIX  show  the  most 
common  types  of  baskets  made  and  used  in  this  territory.  Others  of 
Igorot  and  Kalinga  origin  sometimes  appear,  but  are  seldom  imitated 
by  the  local  basket-makers. 

Baskets  1  and  2  of  Plate  LXVIII  are  known  as  kaba,  and  are  used 
principally  to  hold  unthreshed  rice,  corn,  and  vegetables.  Smaller 
baskets  of  the  same  form  are  for  broken  rice  and  cooked  vegetables. 
The  larger  specimens  are  often  made  of  rattan,  while  the  smaller  are 
usually  of  bamboo.  Shallow  bamboo  baskets,  pidasen  or  alodan  (Plate 
LXIX,  No.  2)  are  used  as  eating  dishes  for  cooked  rice. 

Clothing  is  put  away  in  covered  oval  or  rectangular  baskets,  oplgan 
(Plate  LXIX,  No.  4),  while  cotton  is  stored  in  long  cylindrical  baskets 
—kolang  (Plate  LXVIII,  No.  3). 

The  pasikeng  or  lag  pi  (Plate  LXIX,  No.  3),  commonly  called  the 
"head  basket,"  is  the  chief  basket  of  the  men.  It  is  made  of  rattan,  and 
is  supported  on  the  back  by  means  of  bands  which  pass  over  the  shoul- 
ders. In  it  are  carried  extra  garments  and  all  necessities  for  the  trail. 
Recently  some  of  the  men  have  joined  together  two  of  these  baskets 
by  means  of  a  wide,  flat  band,  and  this  is  fitted  over  the  back  of  a 
horse  or  carabao, — an  evident  imitation  of  the  saddle  bags  used  by 
Spaniards  and  Americans.  Men  also  carry  small  containers  for  their 
pipes  and  trinkets,  or  else  make  use  of  a  traveling  basket,  such  as  is 
shown  in  Plate  LXIX,  No.  5. 

Rice  winnowers  and  sieves  (Plate  LVII)  and  the  fish-traps 
shown  in  Fig.  13  conclude  the  list.    No  coiled  baskets  are  made. 

Aside  from  the  decoration  produced  by  variations  in  the  weave, 
little  ornamentation  is  found  in  the  basketry  from  Abra,  but  the 
Tinguian  of  Ilocos  Norte  make  and  distribute  large  quantities  of 
baskets  with  colored  patterns.   Colored  vines  are  sometimes  woven 


426  The  Tinguian 

in,  but  the  common  method  is  to  employ  blackened  bamboo,  both  in 
warp  and  weft. 

The  top  of  the  basket  is  strengthened  by  two  hoops  of  rattan  or 
bamboo.  One  is  placed  outside,  the  other  inside ;  on  them  is  laid  a 
small  strip  of  the  same  material,  and  all  three  are  sewed  down  by 
passing  a  thin  strip  of  rattan  through  two  holes  punched  in  margin. 
This  strip  doubles  on  itself,  encircles  the  rim,  and  after  an  interval 
again  passes  through  two  more  holes,  and  so  on  around  the  entire 
basket.  A  square  base,  attached  in  the  same  manner  as  the  rim,  gen- 
erally completes  the  basket.  In  the  mountain  districts  near  to  Apayao, 
the  bases  of  the  smaller  eating  dishes  are  drawn  in  toward  the  center 
at  four  points,  giving  the  effect  of  a  four-pointed  star. 

Mats  (ikamin). — Mats  are  used  as  beds,  never  as  floor  coverings. 
They  are  rectangular  in  form,  usually  about  six  feet  long  and  three 
wide,  and  are  undecorated.  They  are  made  from  strips  of  pandanus 
in  the  laga  weave  (cf.  p.  423). 

Dyes. — In  recent  years  analine  dyes  have  come  into  favor  in  some 
villages,  and  a  variety  of  colors  appears  in  the  articles  made  by  their 
weavers,  but  the  vegetable  dyes  used  by  the  ancestors  are  still  employed 
by  most  of  the  women.  The  commonest  colors  are  blue,  pink — "black 
red" — ,  red,  and  yellow. 

Blue  is  ordinarily  produced  by  placing  the  leaves  and  branches  of 
the  indigo  plant,  tayum  (Indigofera  tinctoria)  in  water  for  a  few 
days ;  then  to  boil  them,  together  with  a  little  lime.  The  thread  is 
dipped  in  the  liquid. 

Pink  is  secured  by  crushing  lynga  (Sesamum  indicum  L.)  seeds 
and  boiling  them  in  water.  Threads  are  placed  in  this  for  five  nights, 
while  during  the  day  they  are  dried  in  the  sun.  The  root  of  the 
apatot  (Morinda  citrifolia  or  umbellata)  is  next  crushed,  and  water 
is  added.  The  threads  are  now  transferred  to  this  liquid,  and  for  ten 
days  and  nights  are  alternately  soaked  and  sunned.  A  copper  color 
results,  but  this  soon  changes  to  pink.  It  is  said  that  the  apatot  alone 
produces  a  red  dye.  It  is  also  claimed  that  the  seeds  of  the  apang 
(Bixa  Orellana  L.)  and  of  a  variety  of  rattan,  when  boiled,  give  a 
permanent  red.1 

A  yellow  dye  is  produced  by  boiling  the  leaves  of  the  Tamarindus 
indica  L.  in  water  until  a  strong  liquor  is  obtained. 

Bark  head-bands  are  stained  a  purplish-red  by  applying  a  liquid 

1  This  is  the  Arnatto  dye,  an  American  plant.  Watt,  Dictionary,  Vol.  I, 
P-  454- 


Products  of  Industry  427 

secured  through  boiling  kElyan  (Diospyros  cunalon  D.  C.  ?)  bark. 
For  ceremonial  purposes  they  are  also  colored  yellow  by  applying  the 
juice  of  the  konig  {Curcuma  longa),  but  as  this  has  a  disagreeable 
odor,  and  the  color  is  not  permanent,  it  is  not  much  used  in  every-day 
garments.    Lemon  juice  is  also  applied  to  bark  to  give  it  a  yellow  hue. 

Fish  nets  are  colored  brown  by  dipping  them  into  a  dye  made  by 
crushing  the  katakot  vine  in  water,  or  by  staining  with  the  juice  of 
the  taotawa  {Jatropha  curcas  L.). 

The  bamboo  strips  used  in  decorating  basketry  are  blackened  by 
holding  them  in  the  smoke  of  burning  rice-straw.  Black  designs,  such 
as  appear  in  the  ornamentation  of  lime  holders  and  the  like,  are  se- 
cured by  rubbing  oil  and  soot  into  incised  lines,  and  then  holding  the 
object  in  the  smoke  of  burning  rice-straw. 

Net  Making. — Nets  are  used  in  fishing,  in  catching  wild  chickens 
and  grasshoppers,  and  in  hunting  deer  and  pigs.  The  first  three  types 
are  made  of  twine,  but  the  fourth  is  of  strong  rope. 

All  net  work  is  done  by  the  man  who,  for  this  purpose,  employs  a 
mesh  stick  and  a  needle  of  bamboo  or  carabao  horn  (Fig.  20).  The 
needle  (No.  1)  also  serves  as  a  shuttle,  since  it  carries  a  considerable 
amount  of  thread  between  the  tongue  and  notch.  The  size  of  the  loop 
is  determined  by  the  width  of  the  mesh  stick  or  spreader  (No.  2).  The 
operator  generally  sits  on  a  rice  winnower  or  squats  on  the  ground 
with  a  net  suspended  above  him  (Plate  LXX).     He  forms  the  mesh 


fig.  20. 
net  needle  and  mesh  stick. 

by  running  the  needle  over  and  around  the  spreader,  and  up  and 
through  the  loop  above,  thus  forming  a  loop  on  the  mesh  stick.  This 
is  drawn  tightly,  the  needle  is  again  passed  through,  but  without  en- 
circling the  stick,  and  thus  a  knot  is  tied.  This  is  repeated  until  a  row 
of  loops  has  been  completed,  when  another  series  is  started. 

Manufacture  of  Pottery. — In  nearly  every  village  there  are  two 
or  three  women  who  make  jars  and  dishes,  but  the  potters  of  Abang 


428  The  Tinguian 

and  Lakub  are  the  only  ones  whose  wares  have  a  wide  distribution. 

The  clay  is  dampened,  and  is  carefully  kneaded  with  the  hands  to 
remove  lumps  and  gravel,  and  to  reduce  it  to  the  proper  consistency. 
A  handful  is  taken  from  the  mass,  and  is  roughly  modeled  with  the 
fingers  to  form  the  base  of  the  pot.  This  is  set  on  a  wooden  plate 
which,  in  turn,  is  placed  in  a  rice  winnower  (Plate  XXXVI).  The  plate 
takes  the  place  of  a  potter's  wheel,  for  it  is  turned  with  the  right  hand 
while  with  the  left  the  woman  shapes  the  clay,  and  smoothes  it  off 
with  a  dampened  cloth.  From  time  to  time,  she  rolls  out  a  coil  of 
clay  between  the  palms  of  her  hands,  lays  it  along  the  top  of  the  ves- 
sel, and  works  and  pinches  it  in.  Further  shaping  and  thinning  is 
done  with  a  wooden  paddle  and  the  dampened  hand,  and  then  the  jar 
is  allowed  to  dry  slightly.  Before  the  drying  has  progressed  far 
enough  to  render  the  sides  rigid,  a  smooth  stone  is  placed  inside,  and 
the  sides  are  tapped  gently  with  a  paddle  until  properly  thinned  and 
shaped. 

After  allowing  a  couple  of  days  for  drying,  the  potter  rubs  the 
jar  inside  and  out  with  smooth  stones  or  lipi  seeds,  so  as  to  give  it 
an  even  surface. 

When  several  jars  or  dishes  have  been  prepared,  they  are  placed 
in  carabao  dung  or  other  slow  burning  material  and  fired.  This  gen- 
erally takes  place  at  night,  and  the  jars  are  left  undistubred  until  morn- 
ing, when  they  are  ready  for  service.  Occasionally  resin  is  rubbed 
over  a  jar  while  it  is  hot,  thus  giving  it  a  glazed  surface;  this,  how- 
ever, is  not  common,  as  the  resin  quickly  melts  off  the  cooking  uten- 
sils, while  porous  jars  are  preferred  as  water  containers,  since  the 
seepage  lowers  the  temperature  of  the  contents. 

Vessels  made  in  Lakub  are  often  decorated  with  incised  patterns 
(Fig.  22,  No.  8),  but  otherwise  the  Tinguian  ware  is  plain.  Chinese 
jars  are  found  in  every  village,  and  are  highly  prized,  but  the  native 
potters  do  not  imitate  them  in  form  or  decoration.  Had  Chinese  blood 
or  influence  ever  been  strong  in  the  region,  we  might  expect  to  find 
the  potter's  wheel  and  traces  of  true  glazing,  but  both  are  lacking. 

Pipe  Making. — Both  men  and  women  smoke  pipes,  consisting  of 
a  short  reed  handle  and  a  small  bowl.  Men  are  the  pipe  makers,  and 
often  show  considerable  skill  in  the  decoration  of  their  product. 

The  common  pipe-bowl  is  of  clay,  which  has  been  carefully  shaped 
with  the  fingers  and  a  short  bamboo  spatula.  Designs  are  incised,  and 
the  raised  portions  are  further  embellished  by  the  addition  of  small 
pieces  of  brass  wire  (Fig.  21,  Nos.  4-5).  The  bowls  are  baked  in  a 
slow  fire,  and  the  mouthpieces  are  added. 


Products  of  Industry 


429 


A  second  type  of  pipe,  or  cigar  holder,  is  made  of  bamboo  (Fig. 
21,  Nos.  1-3).  Designs  are  incised  in  the  sides,  oil  is  applied,  and  the 
pipe  is  held  in  the  smoke  of  burning  rice-straw  until  the  lines  become 
permanently  blackened  (Fig.  22,  Nos.  1-3). 


IE 


Fig.  21. 
Tobacco-Pipes. 

In  recent  years,  Ilocano  jewelers  have  introduced  silver  pipes,  made 
from  coins.  One  Tinguian  pipe  maker  has  learned  the  trade,  and  does 
a  lively  business.  He  has  further  beautified  his  product  by  attaching 
pendants  representing  fish  (Fig.  21,  No.  6).  Brass  pipes  of  Igorot 
origin  are  sometimes  seen,  but  are  not  made  in  this  region. 

Method  of  Drying  Hides. — Hides  of  carabao,  and  sometimes  of 
other  animals,  are  stretched  on  bamboo   frames  and  are  sun-dried 


430  The  Tinguian 

(Plate  LV).  Later  they  are  placed  in  water  containing  tanbark,  and  are 
roughly  cured.  Such  leather  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of  the  back 
straps  used  by  \he  weavers,  and  in  making  sheathes  for  knives,  but 
more  commonly  it  is  placed  on  the  ground,  and  on  it  rice  and  cotton 
are  beaten  out. 


X.     DECORATIVE  ART 

In  decorative  art  the  Tinguian  offers  sharp  contrast  to  the 
Igorot  and  Ifugao,  both  of  whom  have  developed  wood  carving  to 
a  considerable  extent.  They  also  have  their  bodies  tattooed,  while 
the  colored  lashings  on  spear  shafts,  pipe  stems,  and  other  objects  show 
a  nice  appreciation  for  color  and  design.  In  all  these  the  Tinguian  is 
deficient  or  lacking;  he  does  no  wood  carving,  tattooing  is  scanty, 
while  his  basket  work,  except  that  from  two  small  regions,  is  plain. 
At  times  he  does  make  some  simple  designs  on  canes,  on  bamboo  rice- 
planters  and  weaving  sticks,  on  lime  boxes  and  pipe  stems,  but  these 
are  exceptions  rather  than  the  rule.  In  the  region  about  Lakub,  he 
decorates  his  jars  by  cutting  the  ends  of  sticks  to. form  small  dies 
which  he  presses  into  the  newly  fashioned  clay  (Fig.  22,  No.  8),  while 
in  Manabo  and  some  other  villages  the  pipe  makers  cut  the  bowls  of 
the  clay  pipes  in  floral  designs  or  inlay  small  pieces  of  brass  to  form 
scroll  patterns  (Fig.  22,  Nos.  4-7).  These  last  mentioned  designs  are 
so  restricted  in  their  manufacture,  and  are  so  different  from  those 
found  elsewhere  in  Abra,  that  they  cannot  be  considered  as  typical. 

The  figures  incised  in  bamboo  show  some  realistic  motives,  such  as 
the  fish,  birds,  and  flowers  in  Fig.  23,  No.  1  ;  the  snake  and  lizard  in 
No.  2 ;  the  man  in  No.  5 ;  but  the  strictly  geometrical  is  dominant  in 
nearly  every  case.  Probably  the  most  typical  of  this  class  of  work  is 
shown  in  Nos.  3  and  4  and  Fig.  22,  Nos.  1,  2,  and  3.  It  should  be  noted, 
however,  that,  where  one  decorated  object  is  seen,  many  more  entirely 
plain  will  be  found.  In  short,  ornamentation  is  uncommon  and  of 
minor  importance. 

The  one  place  where  decoration  is  dominant  is  in  the  weaving,  and 
this  is  done  entirely  by  the  women.  Figures  24  and  25  show  typical 
designs  which  occur  in  the  blankets.  Except  for  No.  8  in  Fig.  24, 
they  do  not  appear  to  be  copies  from  nature,  but  all  have  realistic  in- 
terpretations. Fig.  24  shows  eight  designs  drawn  by  native  weavers, 
which  are  identified  as  follows : 

1.  A  fish. 

2.  Weaving  on  a  Spanish  bed  or  chair  seat. 

3.  Pineapple. 

4.  A  heart. 

5.  Fishhooks. 

6.  A  crab. 

7.  Cross  section  of  a  pineapple. 

8.  A  horse. 

431 


43^ 


The  Tinguian 


Fig.  22. 
Designs  cn  Pipes  and  Pottery. 


Decorative  Art 


433 


^r* 


►*♦♦♦< 


mmm 


Fig.  23. 
Decorative  Designs. 


434  The  Tinguian 


3 


y 

Fig.  24. 
Patterns  used  in  weaving. 


Decorative  Art 


435 


1 

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1*  i..uii|» 

h 

Pit*!  J 

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I 

rift}1 

...li. 

I'll'  i  ' 

8? 

i 

si 

:i 

S 

.."•"•' 

:••' 

i.i.i 

fsiSjifii 

Fig.  25. 
Blanket  designs. 


436  The  Tinguian 

In  Fig.  25  are  five  typical  patterns  taken  from  blankets,  while  No. 
6  is  the  ornamental  stitching  which  unites  two  breadths  of  cloth,  the 
latter  is  identified  as  "fingers  and  finger  nails."  No.  1  is  the  turtle, 
No.  2  a  crab,  No.  3  a  rice-mortar,  No.  4  the  bobbin  winder  shown 
in  Fig.  16,  No.  4;  No.  5  pineapple. 

Plate  LXXI  is  a  ceremonial  blanket,  such  as  is  hung  up  over  the 
dead.  The  figures  are  identified  as  a  a  deer,  b  horse,  c  carabao  calf, 
d  man.  The  textile  in  Plate  LXXII,  No.  I'is  likewise  used  chiefly  as 
a  ceremonial  piece,  the  designs  representing  a  man,  b  horse,  c  star. 

A  very  pleasing  blanket  is  shown  in  Plate  LXXII,  No.  2  in  which 
the  designs  are  identified  as  a  rice  cake,  and  &  as  a  star,  while  the  whole 
pattern  is  known  as  kalayan — the  river.  The  textile  in  Plate  LXXIII, 
No.  1  imitates  a  mat,  while  No.  2  is  known  as  kosikos — the  circle. 

A  part  of  these  designs  are  evidently  copies  from  real  objects, 
others  appear  to  be  merely  pattern  names,  while  the  weavers  do  not 
hesitate  to  borrow  any  likely  patterns  which  strike  their  fancy.  One 
quite  frequently  sees  a  blanket  which  shows  a  "lion,"  or  some  other 
animal  or  object,  with  which  the  people  could  only  become  acquainted 
through  pictures  or  descriptions  from  outside  sources. 

In  addition  to  these  designs  already  mentioned,  there  are  certain 
common  types  of  decoration  effected  through  weaving  or  embroidery, 
for  which  no  explanations  are  given.  They  are  said  to  be  only  "to 
make  pretty."  Among  these  are  the  ends  of  belts  and  clouts,  as  shown 
in  Plate  LXXIV,  or  the  raised  diamond  pattern  shown  in  No.  2  of  the 
same  Plate,  or  the  plaid  effect  in  colors,  which  appear  in  some  of  the 
skirts. 

It  has  already  been  noted  (cf.  p.  416)  that  the  weaving  methods  of 
the  Tinguian  are  similar  to  those  of  the  Ilocano,  and  the  same  is  true 
of  a  considerable  part  of  the  decorative  patterns.  The  Christianized  na- 
tives have  less  of  the  realistic,  a  greater  variety  of  geometrical  designs, 
and  a  greater  fondness  for  bright  colors,  made  possible  by  the  use  of 
analine  dyes,  than  the  mountaineers. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  Tinguian-Ilocano  peoples  brought  the 
weaving  industry  with  them  into  northern  Luzon,  that  the  Ilocano 
branch  has  borrowed  improved  methods  of  manufacture,  as  well  as 
decorative  motives  from  the  people  with  whom  they  have  been  in  con- 
tact through  trade.  The  Tinguian  in  turn  have  borrowed  from  them, 
but,  in  the  main,  they  still  retain  the  more  primitive  methods  of  weav- 
ing, and  it  is  probable  their  types  of  ornamentation  likewise  approxi- 
mate more  closely  those  in  use  in  earlier  times. 


XI.     PERSONAL  ADORNMENT,  DANCES,  AND 
MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS 

The  dress  of  the  man  is  the  clout  (ba-al),  either  of  beaten  bark  or 
of  cloth,  and  a  woven  belt  (balikEs)  in  which  he  keeps  small  articles 
(Plates  LXXV-LXXVI).  On  special  occasions  he  wears  a  long- 
sleeved  jacket  (bado),  open  in  front,  and  in  a  few  instances,  trousers. 
Both  these  garments  are  recent  acquisitions,  and  the  latter,  in  par- 
ticular, are  not  in  favor,  except  where  Ilocano  influence  is  very  strong. 
The  man  is  not  inclined  to  adorn  himself  with  brass  and  gold,  neither 
does  he  use  tattooing  to  any  extent,  as  do  his  Kalinga  and  Igorot 
neighbors.  Some  have  small  patterns  on  an  arm  or  thigh,  but  these 
are  usually  property  marks  with  which  he  brands  his  animals  or  other 
possessions.  Tattooing  as  an  evidence  of  a  successful  head-hunt  is 
not  found  in  this  region,  nor  are  there  other  marks  or  garments  to 
identify  the  warriors. 

The  hair  is  worn  long,  and  is  parted  straight  down  the  middle ;  the 
two  strands  are  twisted,  crossed  in  the  back,  then  carried  to  the  fore- 
head, where  they  are  again  crossed,  and  the  ends  are  fastened  by  inter- 
twining on  each  side  of  the  head.  A  bark  band  (ayabong)  holds  the 
hair  in  place,  but  at  times  it  is  replaced  by  a  cloth  or  a  narrow  ring 
of  interwoven  grass  and  rattan.  Round  bamboo  hats,  with  low  dome- 
shaped  tops,  are  commonly  worn  (Plate  XLV),  but  these  are  some- 
times displaced  by  hats  which  go  to  a  sharp  peak,  or  by  those  made 
of  a  gourd  or  of  wood. 

The  woman's  hair  is  parted  in  the  middle,  and  is  combed  straight 
down  to  the  nape  of  the  neck,  where  it  is  caught  by  strings  of  beads ; 
these  are  crossed  in  the  back  and  encircle  the  head ;  the  strand  of  hair 
is  then  twisted  and  a  loop  formed  which  is  carried  to  the  left  side, 
where  it  is  again  caught  under  the  beads,  near  to  or  above  the  ear. 
Most  of  the  Tinguian  have  luxuriant  heads  of  hair,  but,  nevertheless, 
switches  are  commonly  used  by  both  sexes.  The  hair  is  often  washed 
with  the  ashes  of  rice-straw,  or  with  the  bark  of  the  gogo  tree  (Entada 
purseta),  and  is  moistened  with  coconut  oil. 

Strings  of  beads  encircle  the  women's  necks,  but  the  typical  orna- 
ment consists  of  strands  above  strands  of  beads  reaching  from  the 
wrist  to  the  elbow,  and  if  the  wealth  of  the  owner  permits,  even 
covering  the  upper  arm  as  well   (Plate  LXXIX).     The  strands  are 

437 


438  The  Tinguian 

fastened  tightly  above  the  wrist,  causing  that  portion  of  the  arm  to 
swell.  Slits  of  bamboo  are  usually  placed  under  the  beads,  and  may 
be  removed  if  the  pain  or  annoyance  of  the  constriction  is  too  severe. 
The  upper  arm  beads  are  removed  with  little  difficulty;  but  those  on 
the  forearm  are  taken  off  only  once  or  twice  a  year,  when  new  threads 
are  substituted,  or  when  the  owner  is  in  mourning.  Beneath  these 
ornaments  a  delicate  fretwork  of  blue  lines  is  tattooed,  so  that  the 
woman's  arms  may  not  be  white  and  unsightly  when  she  is  without 
her  beads.1 

Most  of  the  women  have  their  ears  pierced,  but  in  the  valley  towns 
only  a  small  proportion  wear  earrings.  In  the  mountain  sections  heavy 
ornaments  of  gold  or  copper  are  worn,  the  weight  often  drawing  the 
lobe  of  the  ear  far  down  on  the  neck. 

When  at  work,  the  woman  discards  all  clothing  from  the  upper 
portion  of  her  body,  but  at  other  times  wears  a  short-sleeved  jacket 
which  reaches  to  her  waist  (Plate  LXXVII).  The  waist  is  cut  so  low 
in  the  neck  that  the  head  can  pass  through.  There  is  no  shoulder  seam. 
A  straight  piece  set  over  the  shoulder  extends  down  in  square,  both 
front  and  back,  to  a  line  about  even  with  the  breast,  where  it  is  sewed 
to  the  garment  proper.  A  narrow  skirt  (dingzva),  with  colored  bor- 
der, extends  from  the  waist  to  the  knees.  It  is  held  in  place  by  draw- 
ing it  tightly  and  then  tucking  one  corner  under  the  upper  edge,  or  by 
pressing  it  beneath  the  girdle  (Plate  LXXVIII). 

When  a  girl  becomes  a  woman,  she  dons  a  girdle  (palingtan)  of 
braided  grass  or  rattan  which  fits  over  the  hips,  and  to  which  a  clout 
is  attached  (Plate  LXXX).  As  a  rule,  the  girdle  and  clout  are  not 
removed  when  bathing,  as  are  the  other  garments. 

The  woman  seldom  wears  a  hat,  except  when  she  is  working  in  the 
fields,  where  sunshades  large  enough  to  protect  the  entire  body  are 
used  (Plate  LIV).  Frequently  a  cloth  or  a  skirt  is  twisted  about  the 
head  as  a  protection  against  the  sun. 

On  chilly  mornings  one  often  sees  the  people  covered  from  head 
to  ankles  with  their  sleeping  blankets,  or  a  woman  may  draw  a  par- 
ticularly wide  skirt  about  her  body  just  below  the  armpits  so  that 
she  is  protected  from  her  breasts  to  the  knees. 


1  This  tattooing  is  accomplished  by  mixing  oil  and  the  black  soot  from  the 
bottom  of  a  cooking  pot,  or  the  pulverized  ashes  of  blue  cloth.  The  paste  is 
spread  over  the  place  to  be  treated,  and  is  driven  in  with  an  instrument  consisting 
of  three  or  four  needles  set  in  a  piece  of  bamboo.  Sometimes  the  piercing  of 
the  skin  is  done  before  the  color  is  applied ;  the  latter  is  then  rubbed  in. 


Personal  Adornment,  Dances,  and  Musical  Instruments  439 

The  teeth  of  both  sexes  are  blackened  with  iron  salts  and  tan  bark,1 
but  they  are  not  cut  or  mutilated,  as  is  common  with  many  Philippine 
peoples. 

While  both  sexes  are  proud  of  heavy  heads  of  hair,  they  do  not 
look  with  equal  favor  on  face  and  body  hairs.  These  are  plucked  out 
either  by  grasping  them  between  a  knife  blade  and  the  thumb  nail,  or 
with  a  bamboo  device  known  as  tming.  This  consists  of  a  section  of 
bamboo  split  into  several  strips  at  one  end.  A  hair  is  placed  in  one 
end  of  the  slits,  and  the  bamboo  is  bent  into  a  half  circle,  causing  it 
to  take  a  firm  hold,  when  it  is  jerked  outwards. 

Prized  necklaces  (paliget)  made  of  small  strands  of  twisted  silver 
wire,  are  placed  on  the  neck  of  a  corpse,  and  on  some  occasions  are 
worn  by  the  living.  During  dances  the  hair  is  adorned  with  notched 
chicken  feathers  attached  to  sticks,  while  circlets  made  of  boar's  tusks 
are  placed  on  the  arms. 

Dances. — Two  dances,  one  ceremonial,  the  other  suitable  for  all 
occasions,  are  very  popular. 

The  ceremonial  dance  known  as  da-eng  takes  place  at  night,  and 
is  carried  on  to  the  accompaniment  of  a  song.2  An  equal  number  of 
men  and  women  take  part.  The  women  form  a  line  facing  a  similar 
row  of  men,  about  twenty  feet  distant.  Locking  arms  about  one  an- 
other's waists  and  with  one  foot  advanced,  they  begin  to  sway  their 
bodies  backwards  and  forwards.  Suddenly  they  burst  into  song,  at 
the  same  time  stepping  forward  with  the  left  foot.  Keeping  perfect 
time  to  the  music,  they  take  three  steps  toward  the  men,  then  retreat 
to  their  original  positions.  The  men  then  take  up  the  song  and  in  a 
similar  manner  advance  and  retreat.  This  is  repeated  several  times, 
after  which  the  two  lines  join  to  form  a  circle.  With  arms  interlocked 
behind  one  another's  backs,  and  singing  in  unison,  they  begin  to  move 
contra-clockwise.  The  left  foot  is  thrown  slightly  backward  and  to 
the  side,  and  the  right  is  brought  quickly  up  to  it,  causing  a  rising  and 
falling  of  the  body.  The  step,  at  first  slow,  becomes  faster  and  faster 
till  the  dancers  have  reached  the  limit  of  their  vocal  and  physical 
powers. 

The  da-eng  is  sacred  in  character,  is  danced  only  at  night  and  then 
under  the  direction  of  the  mediums.     It  is,  however,  in  great  favor, 

1  Blackening  of  the  teeth  was  practised  by  the  Zambal,  also  in  Sumatra  and 
Japan.  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XVI,  p.  78;  Marsden,  History  of  Sumatra, 
P-  S3- 

1  See  pp.  445,  456  for  words  and  music. 


440  The  Tinguian 

and  often  so  many  of  the  younger  people  wish  to  take  part  that  double 
lines,  or  two  or  more  groups,  may  be  dancing  at  the  same  time.  It 
sometimes  happens,  when  the  basi  has  been  flowing  freely,  that  the 
participants  become  so  boisterous  and  the  pace  so  fast  that  spectators 
are  run  down  or  the  dancers  are  piled  in  a  heap,  from  which  they 
emerge  laughing  and  shouting. 

The  common  dance,  the  tadek,  is  a  part  of  nearly  all  gatherings 
of  a  social  and  religious  nature.  The  music  for  this  dance  usually  is 
made  with  three  gansas1  and  a  drum.  The  gansas  are  pressed  against 
the  thighs  of  the  players  who  kneel  on  the  ground.  Two  of  the  cop- 
pers are  beaten  with  a  stick  and  the  palm  of  the  hand,  while  the  third 
is  played  by  the  hands  alone  (Plate  LXXXI,  Fig.  2).  The  stick  or  left 
hand  gives  the  initial  beat  which  is  followed  by  three  rapid  strokes  with 
the  right  palm.  A  man  and  a  woman  enter  the  circle,  each  holding  a 
cloth  about  the  size  of  a  skirt.  The  man  extends  his  cloth  toward  the 
woman,  and  bringing  it  suddenly  down,  causes  it  to  snap,  which  is  the 
signal  to  begin.  With  almost  imperceptible  movement  of  the  feet  and 
toes  and  a  bending  at  the  knees,  he  approaches  the  woman,  who  in  a  like 
manner  goes  toward  him.  They  pass  and  continue  until  at  a  distance 
about  equal  to  the  start,  when  they  again  turn  and  pass.  Occasionally 
the  man  will  take  a  few  rapid  steps  toward  the  woman,  with  exag- 
gerated high  knee  action  and  much  stamping  of  feet,  or  he  will  dance 
backward  a  few  steps.  At  times  the  cloth  is  held  at  arm's  length  in 
front  or  at  the  side;  again  it  is  wrapped  about  the  waist,  the  woman 
always  following  the  actions  of  the  man.  At  last  they  meet ;  the  man 
extends  his  hand,  the  woman  does  likewise,  but  instead  of  taking  his, 
she  moves  her  own  in  a  circle  about  his,  avoiding  contact.  Again  they 
dance  away,  only  returning  to  repeat  the  performance.  Finally  she 
accepts  the  proffered  hand,  the  headman  brings  basi  for  the  couple 
to  drink,  and  the  dance  is  over.  The  man  sometimes  ends  the  dance 
by  the  sharp  snapping  of  his  cloth,  or  by  putting  it  on  his  extended 
arms  and  dancing  toward  the  woman,  who  places  her  cloth  upon 
his  (Plate  LXXXI,  Fig.  1). 

Musical  Instruments,  Songs,  and  Dances. — The  Tinguian  is  nat- 
urally musical.  He  sings  at  his  work,  he  beats  time  with  his  head-axe 
against  his  shield  as  he  tramps  the  mountain  trails,  he  chants  the  stories 
of  long  ago  as  the  workers  gather  about  the  fires  each  evening  of  the 
dry  season,  he  sings  the  praises  of  his  host  at  feasts  and  festivals,2 

1  Shallow  copper  gongs. 

*  Reyes  says  that  this  song,  dalcng,  is  similar  to  the  dallot  of  the  Ilocano 
(Articulos  varios,  p.  32). 


Personal  Adornment,  Dances,  and  Musical  Instruments  441 

joins  with  others  in  the  dirge  which  follows  a  burial,  and  he  and  many 
others  will  sing  together  as  they  dance  the  da-eng.  But  his  music 
does  not  stop  with  his  vocal  accomplishments.  In  the  folk-tales  the 
pan  pipe  (dew-dciv-as)  occupies  a  most  important  place,  and  to-day 
the  maidens  still  play  them  in  the  evening  hours.  It  is  a  simple  device 
made  of  reeds  of  various  lengths  lashed  together  (Fig.  26,  No.  1). 
The  player  holds  the  instrument  just  in  front  of  her  lips,  and  blows 
into  the  reeds,  meanwhile  moving  them  to  and  fro,  producing  a  series 
of  low  notesnvithout  tune. 

Another  instrument  of  great  importance  in  the  legends  is  the  nose 
flute  (kalaleng).    This  is  a  long  reed  with  holes  cut  in  the  side,  to  be 


Fig.  26. 
Musical  Instruments. 

stopped  by  the  fingers  in  producing  the  notes.  The  player  closes  one 
nostril  with  a  bit  of  cotton,  and  then  forces  the  air  from  the  other  into 
a  small  hole  cut  in  the  end  of  the  tube.  The  instrument  is  popular  with 
the  men,  and  often  one  can  hear  the  plaintive  note  of  the  nose  flute  far 
into  the  night  (Plate  LXXXII). 

The  mouth  flute  (tulali)  is  similar  to  that  found  in  civilized  lands, 
but  is  constructed  from  a  reed. 

A  peculiar  device  used  solely  by  the  women  is  the  bunkaka  (Fig.  26, 
No.  2).     This  consists  of  a  bamboo  tube  with  one  end  cut  away  so 


442  The  Tinguian 

as  to  leave  only  two  thin  vibrating  strips.  These,  when  struck  against 
the  palm  of  the  left  hand,  give  out  a  note  which  can  be  changed  by 
placing  a  finger  over  the  opening  at  x. 

A  Jew's  harp  is  constructed  like  a  netting  needle,  but  with  a  tongue 
of  bamboo  cut  so  that  it  will  vibrate  when  struck,  or  when  a  cord 
attached  to  the  end  is  jerked  sharply  (Fig.  26,  No.  3).  If  made  of 
bamboo,  the  instrument  is  known  as  kolibau;  if  brass,  agiweng.  It  is 
often  mentioned  in  the  tales,  and  to-day  is  played  by  nearly  all  the 
men. 

Bamboo  guitars  (kuliteng)  are  made  by  cutting  narrow  strips 
throughout  the  length  of  a  section  of  bamboo,  but  not  detaching  them 
at  the  ends.  They  are  raised  and  tuned  by  inserting  small  wedges-  of 
wood  at  the  ends.  Small  sections  of  thin  bamboo  are  sometimes  fitted 
over  two  strings,  and  are  beaten  with  sticks,  or  the  strings  can  be 
fingered  like  a  guitar  (Plate  LXXXIII). 

Music  for  dances  is  furnished  by  an  orchestra  consisting  of  four 
men,  three  with  copper  gongs  (gangsas),  and  one  with  a  drum.  The 
gongs  are  tambourine  shape,  with  sides  about  an  inch  and  a  half  high. 
They  are  placed  against  the  thighs  of  the  players  who  kneel  on  the 
ground,  and  are  beaten  with  a  stick  and  the  palm  of  the  hand  or  by 
the  hands  alone.1  They  doubtless  came  into  this  region  through  trade, 
but  at  a  time  so  remote  that  their  origin  is  now  credited  to  the  spirits. 
The  drum  (tambor)  is  made  of  a  short  section  of  a  tree  hollowed 
out.  The  ends  are  covered  with  cow's  hide  or  pig's  skin. 

1  Similar  instruments  are  used  by  the  Igorot  who  suspend  them  free  and 
beat  them  as  they  dance. 


XII.     MUSIC 

Introduction. — That  the  songs  might  be  delivered  as  nearly  as 
possible  at  the  same  pitch  which  the  singers  used  when  making  the 
records,  investigation  was  made  as  to  the  usual  speed  used  by  manu- 
facturers while  recording.  It.  was  found  to  be  160  revolutions  per 
minute.  Accordingly  the  phonograph  was  carefully  set  at  this  speed 
during  transcription. 

In  determining  the  keys  in  which  to  transcribe  the  various  songs, 
the  pitch-pipe  used  was  that  of  the  "International,"  which  was 
adopted  at  the  Vienna  Congress  in  Nov.  1887.  This  congress  estab- 
lished c2=522  double  vibrations  per  second.  All  the  records  proved 
to  be  a  shade  flat  by  this  standard,  but  were  found  to  be  almost  ex- 
actly in  accord  with  an  instrument  of  fixed  pitch,  which  in  turn  was 
found  to  be  approximately  eleven  beats  at  variance  with  the  pitch- 
pipe  on  c2. 

Assuming  that  the  recording  and  transcribing  speeds  of  the  ma- 
chines were  the  same,  this  would  place  the  original  singing  almost 
exactly  in  accord  with  the  old  "philosophical  standard  of  pitch"  which 
places  c2  at  512  double  vibrations  per  second.  Though  the  singing 
was  not  always  in  perfect  accord  with  the  notes  set  down  in  tran- 
scriptions, with  the  exception  of  those  very  marked  departures 
especially  indicated  in  the  music,  the  variations  were  so  slight  that,  so 
far  as  true  intonation  goes,  the  performances  were  fully  up  to  the 
standard  of  those  of  the  average  natural  singer. 

Special  ear  tubes  were  used  while  transcribing  the  records,  and  re- 
sort made  to  a  special  device  wherewith  any  order  of  whole,  or  even 
part  measures  could  be  consecutively  played.  Thus  it  was  possible  to 
closely  compare  parts  which  were  similar  in  either  words  or  music. 

In  some  of  the  records  two  or  more  voices  can  be  distinguished 
singing  in  unison.  Such  unisons  are  shown  in  the  transcription  by 
single  notes.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  indicate  the  several  voices. 
But  when  such  single  notes  are  shown  accompanied  by  the  word 
"solo,"  it  is  to  be  understood  that  all  of  the  performers  have  dropped 
out  but  one,  probably  the  leader.  When  the  voices  split  up  into  parts, 
it  is  so  notated  in  the  music. 

Primitive  people  display  more  or  less  timidity  in  giving  their 
songs  for  scientific  purposes.   Such  timidity  is  especially  apt  to  be 

443 


444 


The  Tinguian 


manifested  in  their  attacks.  In  the  Da-eng,  Girls'  Part  (Record  J), 
the  delayed  attack  at  the  beginning  of  each  new  verse  is  very  marked. 
The  delay  varies  considerably  from  verse  to  verse,  as  indicated  by  the 
number  of  beats  rest  shown  at  the  ends  of  the  lines.  Similar  pauses 
are  found  in  the  Boys'  Part  of  the  same  ceremony  (see  Record  A). 
These  beats  rest  or  pauses  are  not  to  be  taken -as  part  of  the  legitimate 
rhythm,  for  it  is  more  than  likely  that  if  the  singers  were  giving  their 
songs  in  their  regular  ceremonial  and  the  performers  unconscious  of 
observation,  these  pauses  would  not  occur. 

In  transcribing  those  songs  which  have  several  verses  on  the 
record,  the  notation  has  been  so  arranged  on  the  page  that  the  meas- 
ures line  up  vertically,  making  comparison  easy  between  corresponding 
measures  of  the  different  verses. 

To  indicate  peculiar  qualities,  special  signs  are  used  in  connection 
with  the  regular  musical  symbols.  The  table  which  follows  shows 
these  signs  and  also  lists  the  qualities  for  which  they  stand.  Some  of 
these  qualities  could  have  been  represented  by  regular  musical  symbols, 
but  it  was  thought  best  to  use  the  special  signs  to  make  them  stand 
out  more  prominently.  The  qualities  thus  indicated  as  well  as  those 
which  are  represented  by  the  regular  musical  notation  will  be  found 
listed  and  defined  after  the  tabulation  of  qualities. 


U« 


usual   Qualities  and  tfjeir  sbccial  SK»hs 


ftlut«d  ov  Dying  Tones 
Falsetto  Tones 
inhaled   Tones 
Job 


0 


Downw&vd   GHss^ndos 
U^wAvd    Gli*i*nclo3 
Swelled  Tones 
Pulsated   Tones 


«> 


Music 


445 


RECORD    A 


J.  88  to  9J. 


DA-ENG 

Suna  wfjil*  dancing  in  A  r«li«ioui  MNMM .  (&«y»  ^*r^ 


gj»   i  r  -r- 


^lUilW) 


g^i 


^ 


s 


?Jt,  r  f  -r 


JULLrlLivtM'i 


S 


B  I ' ; 


H 


SB    '  f    r  ^ 


ttJjf.f|.ffM,Q 


B  f,  ■  ■  I 


J_U 


?:fo  '   f    f 


J§ 


E-  FJ.flLf^f'l 


B 


s  i  m  ^ 


^Utll^M^ 


-H 


^^ 


P«nt«t«m<    ie»U  in  ~f>.<h  tn«  »"»«  '»  «** 


446 


The  Tinguian 


RECORD    B  DIWAS 

Sunc  at  rutffit  by  the  friends  of  a  jick  man. 
J  =  tWt  72 


■R.t  .  *t«m)io 


,\^tJ'r[/i.'tJ^.Vj,::  jjrn  J'j,i,^T.y  p 


<>  «5>  So 


ftot^.iicei 


1 1  r  |  j  n j  up  j  g  1 1  j§  i  n  ^  j  i 


RECORD     C 
J  =96 


SANG-SANGI1 

Sunc  (Jurino  tfi«  «v«nina  followina  ftfuntrftl 


aatrt 


g,Ttw rf  1 1  j  pf  n,  u, wm 


n^ 


^ 


b4llQWil^  J 


T*m  rm,u/  r  H.ri,  ;,:.r?ni) 


^ 


ft^'T 


Minor  Scale  in  wFjlcij  tfje  sona  is  edit 


Music 


447 


RHCORO  D  OAWAK 

•  T^c  son*  of  d  medium  wfitn  caIIim  spirits  into  Rev  (fin)  txxly. 


h  1S4 


^yrnMiuiffM[.ti»ittfriu»Njyini~t 


J*tu 


^oiritfnrDffirjftiiM-|?fii|)^^ 


J.»lMr 


J.«m 


ny  finfg|Pfrn>i»^iirtft|gftTg|fMJ- 


J»108 


Js  116 


SSI 


^,'jj  ^ijMP|ftJ'irQg|n,|?itruii 


i*'ACCCCU|lJ  JJM  tfti  J   i  f  f  ^  j»U 


1 


as 


j=>* 


ag  J  i  rT'J*-  *i  ff>T  l;  >  ^  i  Oft  a !  i  c  g j  j f  i  nV"i 


Pentdtonic  Scales 


*?* 


0*  minor,  relative  of  B  *>«jor.  D*miner,  relative  of  F&major. 

In \*WUh  tti«  son<j  is  C4st."  To  wfucfj  it  temporarily  shifts.- 


448 


The  Tinguian 


RECORD    E 

1  -104 


SONG  OF ASPIRIT 

Sun*  by  a  medium  wfcn  boss«i«d  by  a  spirit. 


«Y)S,j»^|ff|biH|iriP,ffj,ii>irnit|9r|J^i|^ 


£&£ 


1 1  f,^  .Of  tlbt.i;  fapp 


9jjjH-f;>  EH'  '?*j^m|  J 


§^ 


m  u,.n'"'$ 


t& 


A     »  A3 


tiTffUrujBtEe 


3=3 


f  tElfM^ 


* 


J;  168 


m  uf  i  r  1 1 s I ^ ffiffli  r  p f  ■  if  ■)  m  iftl 


s 


5E 


fttiOtif 


J*13Z 


PiS,;  J  i;7TjtriLN|H  H|itf  |?ft,,|pt|t 


tfftitftt 


»=t» 


yj>?t»i  s  r. h»i?r f fi? J»,i?*^tr'i r  i*fJJij3 


s 


t± 


±Bt 


>        A  I  s 


fWft%>[,rtir  ijrnii  <tHf-ffi 


Site 


t>   i— *    TTT~       <:^-=gi 


iSN 


ss 


m 


IS 


±tF 


^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^j 


Music 


449 


RECORD    F 

J  =  108 


SONG  OF  A  SPIRIT 

Sung  by  &  medium  v^en  J>oss^Si«d  by  a  ibirit. 


ggjj|  |K]m-  i^f.J1-JJicl-y[jpr^7hM^-^^j-7  J 


^vr^  I B  |  H  jjj  gjgg|  1 6 1 P  SB  H J 1 1 = J 


g»S^^^^^^^M^ 


■J^ 


ny»pt»*HtW**^it»t  *  g  gjj 


^^u^Ul^ie-h  t>  g  h?tQ,tttEtii 


J 3  >  3 


'■"A,  jjH  t  n  tt  shi  nt  B  B|i 


450 


The  Tinguian 


RECORD    G 


BKGOYAS 


r\  sorter  of  praise  and  commitment  sun*  at  a  ftast  or  ^*?ty 
J  =160     <!J^— °53nr— -_  mm.       _ 


g r  i  1 1  %>1  i|PM-|L"if|ir  r-ffe^fi 


Hi 


Music 


45i 


RECORD     H 

J.IM 


BALALOGNINMAS 


§Se 


A > 


''Hj'jj  j^if  J^H.f"UNJlf  fj1^ 


S 


1  I         K       1.       "  A        I  1 


u<m  1  DA-ENG 

1  Sun<?  wfjUe  clancino  in  a.  reli«iou&  ceremony. (Boys *n«l ^"i*U *lttwul»i»g.) 


wn         ''  n?  1  m§£B5jg5^m&3Jpl§g 


a^S^ 


j.  f  p  i  mgBBg§i^8m=gs%3m 


J.  80  -    2*»  P*rt- 


n-^-nxiT'i  jj.jlinJ^iliJjflh 


fer 


f 


?r=ff 


±$±5 


JJ> 


3E2 


FcnUtotnc  icftlt  in  wfi.icFi.t'it  l°*£  '«  «*»t. 


452 


The  Tinguian 


record  j  DA-ENG     . 

J      qc.     ma  Sun«  wnile  oanciftff  ina  reliaious  ceretnony.(flitls'^*rt) 


n.    It  5 ._»-!--*  .  .  I        .  I 


Ma  H Jom  ag  4ag  da_     gt  yo  mi  _     yo-m  mala        ma  la_     na»  »a  da«  da     qi 


na.  —   sa  ria» 


Hft    la      .,._       nas  aq  ^*C    aA .     qt    yo  tnA yo  -  m    ma  I  a  mft  I  A.  —       n&&  afl    d&q   da      0>   nA W  «4i 


^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 


fck         >HE 


11 


j^ljjffjj/iljiJljI^jyN^l^rijiJJ^j/ 


*>  *i  , ** 


j  ^\  iim^ii^iinP&'yM^ii  if 


j^ljj^jgPn^lgi^l'jijijIn^jlj^j) 


Minor  scale   in  wrjic^  tf^C  song  is  cast 

BOGOYAS 

Suno  by  a  woman 


JJ'jj^J'fi'Jj^J^J/j 


Music 


453 


record  l  NA-WAY 

i      R„     Sim*  at  the  celebration  wRicfi  closes  tfie  b«rioJ  of  woumin«  for  tRe  deai. 


w 


I  'J    Ujli.   Ijffl^ll^ljfl 


3J3=t 


,  1  j    i   lA  u^h-J.1^      frrf 


** 


■■ri  j    i  i.fti-,i^|n'J,|J      Ij^I^ 


i  i  j  p.\  k  u^-ru      ij^ 


*=« 


+ '  j  j  i^,ij5,hl '' J-    'ut 


±=« 


r 


> 


*  lU/^^J^|MinlJ-    lj ' 


Pentatonic  Scales 


J    J'lft   ,fJ     i'     |J|JjfJ»     lJ*'fl 


|    Jir 


E    minor 


1)  major,  Vut  G  majoi  tonality 


eJo£anese   Koto   Tunings 

sh£± 


frUj.l.J'1'  l'|TT|g'j|t.iJjl,.S 

HYOJO-   Ritsuseti  (female  or  minor.)  SUIJO-    Ryoien  (male  or  major) 


454 


The  Tinguian 


RE COR o    M 


DANG-DANG-AY 


J  _  104  Sun*  W  woman  vtljile  JxmndNn*  rice  out  of  straw  and  ftusks. 


g ' '  1 1 1  flj  J-i'  I  wni i  m  M  i  j  n  jt  i  j^jj 


^^iiaiJ'i'iJJ^'iujg^^^ii^ 


J  i  104-     Sw'ino  cfyihjes. 


^^^^^^ 


** 


j  i ^j'j §  1 1 1  j  I a r  B 1  jjjj^ijw p 


3  3         3  3 


Bp  pi  p^  ^i'A?I' j  j  mj  jji 


yfi^M'J-'iii^1^  j^j'j  ±  -1  J1!1"1 


Music 


455 


RECORD   N 

ft 


SX 


KUILAY-KUILAY 

<Sun<r  by  wom«n  while  tx\ssiit<J  liduor. 


»k  h  i  j' j' j jjjiftnJ;,  i^'  is jjj  rrrmrf 


'■j'i^jl^r'lOjiJi'j^'Ji'JlijP^ 


-*-*- 


l^*k«l  -M»tli 


Ttwkowily  in  tv»«  fl»tj .  .  . 


bS      ,     77     ■    17 


JS=^^^^ 


l  l  U'fJjiT'JJIf  JJf'4 


bJ  «   * 


jUliiiJi'itHiv|,iJilllJl/^^ 


A  A 


>  ?  J>  J  j  j  jl  jjf  JJ  flJf  J  fJH  Jj'JijJ 


\J|i^JSJjj  ilJJ'j  j'i,|'iJJ'JJJJ^ 


1 


^^^^^B 


*  ScmiUntl   Sung 


456  The  Tinguian 


WORDS  OF  THE  DA-EN  G 

PART  I.     Sung  in  line.1 

1.  Ma-ll-dom  ag-dag-da-gi  yo-ma-yom 

Yom-ma-yom   ta   yom-ma-yom   ag-dag-da-gi   yo-ma-yom. 

2.  Ma-la-nas  ag-dag-da-gi  na-sa-nas 
Ma-sa-nas  ta  ma-sa-nas  ag-dag-da-gi  na-sa-nas. 

3.  Si  On-na-i  in-no-bi-yan  ki-not-ko-tan  Na-to-tan 
Na-to-tan  ta  na-to-tan  ki-not  ko-tan  na-to-tan. 

4.  Kol-kol-dong  si  gi-nol-bat  nga  ag-moli-moli-yat 
Mo-li-yat  ta  mo-li-yat  ag-mo-li  mo-li-yat. 

5.  Ka-lan-tag  kal-la-yan-nen  ag-ka-idig-na-yan 
dig-na-yan  ta  dig-na-yan  ag-ka-i  dig-na-yan. 

6.  A-na-on  si  Tak-la-yan  na-is-ti-lo  ai  bolo 
Bin-no-lo  ta  bin-no-lo  na-is-ti-lo  ai  bo-lo. 

7.  Sok-bot  ni  ka-bin-bin-an  adi  ma-si  1-si-li-ban 
si-li-ban  ta  si-li-ban  adi  ma-sil-si-liban 

8.  Ba-gai-ba-yEm  dem-ma-ngen  si-nol-bo-dan  ni  kolat. 
ki-no-lat  ta  ki-no-lat  ai  ag-ki-no  ki-no-lat. 

9.  Sabak  ni  am-mo-ga-wen  mimog-go-mog  di-kai-wen 
di-kai-wen  ta  ki-kai  wen  mimog-go-mog  di-kai-wen. 

10.     Sabak  ni  an-na-a-wen  mi-ka-li-ya  li-ya-wen. 
Li-ya-wen  ta  li-ya-wen  ai  ag-H-ya  li-ya-wen 

PART  II.     Sung  in  line. 

1.  alin-to-bo  ni  ni-og  ag-lam-pi-yok 
lam-pi-yok  ta  lam-pi-yok  ag-lam-pi  lam-pi-yok. 

2.  al-in-to-bo  ni  aba  ai  adi  nag-pada 
pi-na-da  ta  pi-na-da  ai  adi  nag-pa-da. 

3.  al-in-to-bo  ni  no-nang  ag-ba-li  ba-li-yang 
ba-li-yang  ta  ba-li-yang  ai  ag-ba-li  ba-li-yang. 

4.  al-in-to-bo  ni  lamai  um-al-ali  ma-ya-mai 
ma-ya-mai  ta  ma-ya-mai  umal  ali  ma-ya-mai. 

5.  al-in-to-bo  ni  bang-on  ag-ba-la  ba-la-ngon 
ba-la-ngon  ta  ba-la-ngon  ag-ba-la  ba-la-ngon. 

6.  al-in-to-bo  ni  oway  pEl-sa-tem  ket  i-nom-lai 
i-nom-lai  ta  i-nom-lai  pEl-sa-tem  ket  i-nom-lai. 

7.  al-in-to-bo  ni  oling  bog-yo-ngEm  ket  boom-li-sing 
boom-li-sing  ta  boom-li-sing  bog-yo-ngEm  ket  boom-li-sing. 

8.  al-in-to-bo  ni  ba-kan  umal  ali  ka-na-kan 
ka-na-kan  ta  ka-na-kan  umal  ali  ka-na-kan. 

9.  al-in-to-bo  ni  anis  ai  adi  na-gi-nis 
gi-ni-nis  ta  gi-ni-nis  ai   adi  nEdey  na-gi-nis. 


1  The  first  line  is  sung  by  the  girls,  the  second  by  the  boys.    For  the  music 
see  p.  445. 


Words  of  the  Da-Eng  457 

PART  III.     Sung    as    they    ciance    in    circle. 

A-ya-mem  si  pa-nl-ki  'ag-sol-sol-wap  si  la-bi 

ni  la-bi  ta  ni  labi  ag-sol-sol-wap  si  la-bi. 

A-ya-mem  si  bat-ta-teng  ag-tiya  ti  ya-deng 

ti-ya-deng  ta  ti-ya-deng  ag-ti-ya  ti-ya-deng. 

A-ya-mem  si  bang-nga-an  nga  dum-ang-dang-lap  si  da-lan 

din-na-lan  ta  din-na-lan  dum-ang-dang-lap  si  da-lan. 

A-ya-mem  si  om-om-bEk  nga  ag-ma-si  ma-sim-bEk 

si  nim-bEk  ta  si-nim-bEk  nga  ag-ma-si  ma-sim-bEk. 

A-ya-mem  si  po-na-yen  nga  omas-asi  gai-ga-yen 

gai-ga-yen  ta  gai-ga-yen  om-as  asi  gai-ga-yen. 

A-ya-mem  si  la-ga-dan  nga  tomal-la  tal-la-dan 

tal-la-dan  ta  tal-la-dan  nga  ag-ta-la  tal-la-dan. 

A-ya-mem  si  bal-ga-si  nga  agka-a  ka-a-si 

ka-a-si  ta  ka-a-si  nga  ag-ka-a  ka-a-si. 

PART  IV. 

Bwa  di  la-od  to-mo-bo  nga  lo-mok-bot 

lo-mok-bot  ta  lo-mok-bot  to-mo-bo  wa  lo-mok-bot. 

Bwa  di  Ba-li-la-si-bis  nga  gi-i-tem  ket  ma-i-mis 

i-ni-mis  ta  i-ni-mis  gi-i-tem  ket  ma-i-mis. 

Bwa  di  Mal-la-pa-ai  gi-i-tem  ket  tom-ga-Ey 

tE-ga-Ey  ta  tE-ga-Ey  gi-i-tem  ket  torn  ga-Ey. 

Bwa  di  Mal-lo-sa-ak  gi-i-tem  ket  tom-ga-ak 

tE-ga-ak  ta  tE-ga-ak  gi-i-tem  ket  tom-ga-ak. 

Bwa  di  Tom-mo  nga  kom-ma-lab  ket  tom-mo-bo 

tom-mo-bo  ta  tom-mo-bo  kom-ma-la-lab  ket  tom-mo-bo. 

PART  V. 

Adi  yo  pai  lau-lau-den  lawed-ko  nga  do-la-wen 
do-la-wen  ta  do-la-wen  adi  yo  pai  lau-lau-den. 
La-wed  ngaita  di  al-yo  pang-lau-lau-dan  ta  ba-o 
bi-na-o  ta  bi-na-o  pang-lau-lau-dan  ta  ba-o. 
La-wed  di  po-dok  pang-lau-lau-dan  ta  bo-kod 
bi-no-kod  ta  bi-no-kod  pang-lau-lau-dan  ta  bo-kod. 
La-wed  di  Sab-lang,  pang-lau-lau-dan  ta  ba-sang 
bi-na-sang  ta  bi-na-sang  pang-lau-lau-dan  ta  ba-sang. 
La-wed  di  Pa-wai  pang-lau-lau-dan  ta  a-wai 
in-na-wai  ta  in-na-wai  pang-lau-lau-dan  ta  a-wai. 

PART  VI. 

Ka-wa-yan  di   Po-da-yan  na-tong-dan  ta  na-tong-dan 
na-tong-dan  ta  na-tong-dan  ka-wa-yan  di  Po-da-yan. 
Ka-wa-yan  di  Bal-li-wEyan  om-mi-wEyan 
Om-mi-wEyan  ta  om-mi-wEyan  ka-wa-yan  di  Bal-li-wEyan. 
Ka-wa-yan  di  Ba-ta-an  ko-ma  omi-na-lan 
i-na-lan  ta  i-na-lan  ka-wa-yan  di  Ba-ta-an. 
Sol-kod-ko  nga  ka-wa-yan  na-kak-la-ang  di  dEm-mang 
di  dEm-mang  ta  di  dEm-mang  na-kak-la-ang  di  dEm-mang. 
Kawayan  di  Pa-la-i  ag-ka-i  dong-la  don-la-li 
dong-la-li  ta  dong-la-li  ag-ka-i  dong-la  dong-la-li. 


458  The  Tinguian 

PART  VII. 

1.  Da-num  dl  la-od  kom-mog-nod  ket  kom-mog-nod 
Kom-mog-nod  ta  kom-mog-nod  danum  di  la-od. 

2.  Dagsi-yan  di  Pa-la-wang  ko-ma  ta  sum-mi  na-wang 
si-na-wang  ta  sl-na-wang  ko-ma  ta  sum-mi-na-wang. 

3.  Dagsi-yan  di  Langiden  mi-ka  si-li  si-li-ten 
sill-ten  ta  si-li-ten  dag-si-yan  di  Lang-i-den. 

4.  Dagsi-yan   di  Ka-ba-lang-gan  na-kal  kalong  go-kong-an 
ga-kong-an  taga-kong-an  na-kal  ka-long  ga-kong-an. 

5.  Danum  di  Pa-da-ngi-tan  ki-na-dang  ta  ka-witan 
ka-wi-tan  ta  ka-wi-tan  ki-na-dang  ta  ka-wi-tan. 

6.  Dag-si-yan  di  Lai-og-an  nan-gol  la-ol  la-yo-san 
la-yo-san  ta  la-yo-san  o-mal-la  al-lo-yo-san. 

7.  Danum  di  Abang  sum-mol-wai  ta  sum-mol-wai 
Sum-mol-wai  ta  sum-mol-wai  da-num  di  A-bang. 

8.  Danum  di  Abas  inum-bas  ket  Inum-bas 
inum-bas  ta  I-num-bas  da-num  di  A-bas. 

9.  Danum  di  Ba-ai  nag-kat-lo  nga  sa-long-ai 
Sa-long-ai  ta  sa-long-ai  nag-kat-lo  nga  sa-long-ai. 

10.  Danum  di  Da-ya  nag-kil-la-yos  nga  si-pa 
Si-ni-pa  ta  si-ni-pa  nag-kil-la-yos  nga  sipa. 

11.  Danum  di  ngato  ti-nung-dai  ta  a-nito 
A-nito  ta  a-nito  ti-nun-dai  ta  a-nito. 

12.  Danum  di  aging  ti-nung-dai  ta  ka-la-ding 
Ka-lad-ing  ta  ka-la-ding  ti-nung-dai  ta  ka-la-ding. 

13.  Danum  di  A-yeng  ti-nung-dai  ta  ba-yeng-yeng 
ba-yeng-yeng  ta  ba-yeng-yeng  ti-nung-dai  ta  ba-yeng-yeng. 

14.  Adi  ka-pai  man-gl-mon  na-sal-H-bon  ai  bo-bon 
bin-no-bon  ta  bin-no-bon  na-sal-li-bon  ai  bo-bon. 

APPROXIMATE  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  DA-ENG1 

I. 

1.  ? 

? 

2.  The  Malanus  flows. 
Flows,  flows,  flows  onward. 

3.  Si   (Mr.)  On-na-i  and  Na-to-tan  dig  obi   (taro)   with  their  hands. 
Dig,  dig,  dig  with  the  hands. 

4.  The  firefly  in  the  woods  opens  his  eyes. 
Opens,  opens,  opens  his  eyes. 

5.  The  bank  caves  into  the  river. 
Caves,  caves,  caves  in. 

6.  Here,  your  arm  pretty  bamboo  (?) 
Bamboo,  bamboo,  pretty  bamboo. 

7.  Do  not  disturb  the  rest  of  the  kabibinan  (a  bird). 
Disturb,  disturb,  do  not  disturb. 

8.  Help  the  kolat   (a  plant)   to  grow. 

Become  kolat,  become  kolat,  stir  up  to  become  kolat. 

9.  The  flower  of  the  Amogawen  falls  on  you. 
On  you,  on  you,  falls  on  you. 

1  The  first  line  is  sung  by  the  girls,  the  second  by  the  boys. 


10. 


Words  of  the  Da-Eng  459 

The  flower  of  the  Ana-an  plays  with  you. 
Plays,  plays,  it  plays. 

II. 
The  young  leaves  of  the  coconut  wave. 
Wave,  wave,  they  wave. 
The  leaves  of  the  aba  are  not  alike. 
Alike,  alike,  are  not  alike. 
The  leaves  of  the  nonang  turn  back  and  forth. 
Back  and  forth,  back  and  forth,  turn  back  and  forth. 
The  leaves  of  the  lamay  quake. 
Quake,  quake,  they  quake. 
The  leaves  of  the  bangon  arise(?). 
Arise,  arise,  they  arise. 
The  leaves  of  the  rattan  cut  and  twist. 
Twist,  twist,  cut,  and  twist. 
The  leaves  of  the  oling  rustle  and  rattle. 
Rattle,  rattle,  rustle  and  rattle. 
The  leaves  of  the  bakan  fall  before  time. 
Fall,  fall,  fall  before  time. 

The  leaves  of  the  anis  (a  low  shrub)  are  not  clean. 
Clean,  clean,  not  clean. 

III. 
You  play  Mr.  bat  who  fly  by  night. 
Night,  night,  fly  by  night. 
You  play  grasshopper  whose  back  is  concave. 
Concave,  concave,  whose  back  is  concave. 
You  play  Bang-nga-an  who  shines  like  gold  by  the  trail. 
By  the  trail,  by  the  trail,  shines  like  gold  by  the  trail. 
You  play  onombek  who  hiccoughs. 
Hiccough,  hiccough,  who  hiccoughs. 

You  play  dove  who  falls.  * 

Falls,  falls,  who  falls. 
You  play  lagadan  (a  bird)  who  flees(?). 
Flees,  flees,  who  flees. 

You  play  balgasi   (?)  who  mourns  for  the  dead. 
Mourns,  mourns,  mourns  for  the  dead. 

IV. 
Betel-nut  of  the  west  which  grows  up  like  the  gourd. 
Grows  up,  grows  up  like  the  gourd. 
Betel-nut  of  Balasibis  which  smiles  when  it  is  cut.     (Literally — is  cut  and 

smiles.) 
It  smiles,  it  smiles,  is  cut,  and  smiles. 

Betel-nut  of  Malapay  which  chuckles   (like  a  woman)   when  it  is  cut. 
Chuckles,  chuckles,  is  cut,  and  chuckles. 

Betel-nut  of  Malosak  which  laughs  (like  a  man)  when  it  is  cut. 
Laughs,  laughs,  is  cut,  and  laughs. 
Betel-nut  of  Tomo  which  climbs  and  grows. 
Grows,  grows,  climbs,  and  grows. 


460  The  Tinguian 

V. 
Do  not  take  the  leaves  of  my  lawed,  who  am  rich. 
Rich,  rich,  do  not  take  lawed  leaves. 
The  widower  takes  often  the  top  (best)  lawed  of  Alyo. 
The  widower,  the  widower,  the  widower  takes  often. 
The  lawed  of  the  wooded  hill  the  widow  takes  often. 
The  widow,  the  widow,  the  widow  takes  often. 
The  lawed  of  Sablang  the  maiden  takes  often. 
The  maiden,  the  maiden,  the  maiden  takes  often. 
The  lawed  of  Paway  the  hermit   (country  man)  takes  often. 
The  hermit,  the  hermit,  the  hermit  takes  often. 

VI. 
Bamboo  of  Podayan,  ever  living,  ever  living. 
Ever  living,  ever  living,  bamboo  of  Podayan. 

Bamboo  of  Baliweyan  sigh  (literally  "go  wey").when  the  wind  blows. 
Sigh,  sigh,  bamboo  of  Baliweyan. 
Bamboo  of  Bataan,  like  the  sunshine. 
Sunshine,  sunshine,  bamboo  of  Bataan. 
My  cane  of  bamboo  gives  out  a  clang. 
Clang,  clang,  gives  out  a  clang. 
Bamboo  of  Palai  wave  up  and  down. 
Wave,  wave,  wave  up  and  down. 

VII. 

1.  Water  of  the  west,  become  less  and  less. 
Less,  less,  water  of  the  west. 

2.  Spring  of  Palawang  overflow. 
Overflow,  overflow,  be  like  the  overflow. 

3.  Spring  of  Langiden  flow  fast.   (Literally  "like  lightning".) 
Flow,  flow,  spring  of  Langiden. 

4.  Spring  of  Ka-ba-lang,  flow  like  a  chain. 
Chain,  chain,  flow  like  a  chain. 

5.  Water  of  Padangitan  be  knee  deep  to  the  rooster. 
*  Rooster,  rooster,  knee  deep  to  the  rooster. 

6.  Spring  of  Layogan  flow  on. 
Flow,  flow,  flow  on. 

7.  Water  of  Abang        (?) 

? 

8.  Water  of  Abas,  become  dry. 

Become  dry,  become  dry,  water  of  Abas. 

9.  Water  of  Ba-ay  has  three  branches. 
Branches,  branches,  has  three  branches. 

10.  Water  of  the  East  shaped  like  a  ball. 
Ball,  ball,  shaped  like  a  ball. 

11.  Water  from  above  the  anito  holds  (stops). 
Anito,  anito,  the  anito  holds. 

12.  Water  of  the  uninhabited  place  the  ghost  holds. 
Ghost,  ghost,  the  ghost  holds. 

13.  Water  of  Ayeng  the  bamboo  tube  holds. 
Bamboo  tube,  bamboo  tube,  the  bamboo  tube  holds. 

14.  Do  not  be  jealous,  pretty  spring. 
Spring,  spring,  pretty  spring. 


Music  461 

Da-eng.    Boys'  part. 

Record  A.    Sung  while  dancing  in  a  religious  ceremony. 

There  are  at  least  two  voices  in  this  record.  Possibly  there  were 
three  or  more  singers  taking  part,  though  it  is  not  possible  to  distinguish 
more  than  two. 

The  song  is  cast  in  the  pentatonic  scale  of  A  major.  The  notes 
G*  and  D^  do  not  belong  to  this  scale.  At  those  places  where  they 
are  put  down  in  the  notation,  they  are  used  to  better  define  the  glissan- 
dos.  The  singers  pass  over  them  rapidly,  sliding  from  the  topmost 
note  of  the  group  to  the  lowest  with  no  perceptible  dwelling  on  any 
of  the  intermediate  tones.  The  glissandos  are  indicated  by  straight  lines 
drawn  obliquely  underneath  such  groups  (see  Definition  of  Quali- 
ties, p.  478).  • 

In  each  of  measures  2  and  6  of  verses  1,  2,  and  3;  and  in  measure 
6  of  verse  4,  is  shown  a  group  of  three  notes  with  an  asterisk  above. 
These  groups,  as  shown  in  the  notation,  are  B,  A,  G ;  but  in  measure 
2  of  verse  4,  the  corresponding  group  is  C,  B,  A.  In  those  measures 
marked  *,  the  singers  are  very  plainly  striving  to  reach  the  tones 
C,  B,  A.  There  is  that  quality  of  tension  in  the  voices  with  the  ac- 
companying forcing  of  tone  which  is  peculiar  to  untrained  singers 
striving  for  a  tone  near  the  limit  of  their  highest  range.  As  the  tones 
actually  sounded  are  neither  B,  A,  G,  nor  C,  B,  A,  but  are  instead  a 
sort  of  compromise  between  the  two,  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  suc- 
cession intended  in  each  of  the  seven  measures  is  the  same  as  in  the 
eigth  or  odd  one,  viz.  C,  B,  A.  If  we  assume  this  to  be  the  case,  it 
eliminates  seven  of  the  foreign  G  naturals  shown  in  the  notation.  If, 
however,  this  conjecture  is  wrong,  and  the  performers  really  feel  that 
the  groups  in  question  all  start  on  B,  then  the  G  naturals  are  eliminated 
by  the  glissandos.  The  only  other  C  is  shown  in  measure  7  of  verse 
4.  By  comparing  this  measure  with  the  corresponding  measure  in  each 
of  the  other  three  verses,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  singers  have  taken 
great  pains  in  those  verses  to  avoid  this  note  which  does  not  belong  to 
the  pentatonic  scale  which  they  are  using, — evidence  that  they  do  not 
sense  the  tone  in  the  fourth  verse,  where  it  is  taken  glissando.  The  D^, 
also  foreign  to  the  scale,  occurs  but  once.  It  is  in  measure  3  of  the  top 
line.  The  glissando  here  eliminates  this  tone  also,  but,  by  comparing  this 
measure  with  the  corresponding  measure  of  each  of  the  other  verses, 
we  find  the  same  avoidance  as  in  the  case  of  the  C, — evidence  that  the 
performers  do  not  sense  this  other  foreign  tone.  The  song  is  there- 
fore very  markedly  pentatonic  in  character. 


462  The  Tinguian 

The  assumption  that  the  seven  groups  marked  with  asterisks  do 
not  represent  the  real  intent  of  the  singers,  is  based  entirely  on  the 
"stress"  heard  in  the  record.  This  "stress"  cannot  be  represented  in 
notation.  Relying  on  the  notation  alone,  one  would  be  warranted  in 
drawing  a  contrary  conclusion  and  assuming  that  the  odd  measure 
should  be  made  to  conform  to  the  other  seven  and  all  read,  B,  A,  G ; 
or,  from  the  phonographic  record,  one  might  assume  that  the  com- 
promise, previously  mentioned,  was  the  intonation  really  intended. 
Primitive  peoples  frequently  do  sing  and  play,  quite  intentionally, 
tones  out  of  conformity  with  scale  tones  of  present-day  concert  music. 
Such  tones  cannot  be  represented  by  our  musical  notation  without  re- 
sort to  special  signs.  This  is  not  necessary  in  the  present  case,  as  the 
falling  short  of  true  intonation  does  not  appear  to  be  from  deliberate 
intent  on  the  part  of  the  singers,  but  seems  to  be  due  to  lack  of  ability. 

In  eight  of  the  measures,  at  least  one  of  the  voices  departs  from 
the  melody  proper,  producing  the  harmony-intervals  so  frequently 
heard  in  the  music  of  primitive  peoples,  namely,  that  of  a  5th  without 
the  3rd  to  complete  the  triad,  and  that  of  a  4th  without  the  6th  to  com- 
plete the  chord.  Such  thirdless  5ths  are  found  in  measures  5  (verse 
1),  1  and  8  (verse  2),  5  (verse  3),  and  1  and  5  (verse  4)  ;  and  the 
interval  of  a  4th  without  the  6th  is  found  in  measures  3  and  8  of  verse 
4.  In  the  last  measure  of  the  notation,  however,  the  interval  of  a  4th 
there  shown  is  caused  by  the  leader's  voice  departing  from  the  regular 
melodic  succession  instead  of  the  accompanying  voice  or  voices,  as  is* 
the  case  in  each  of  the  other  measures  mentioned. 

In  measures  1  and  5  of  each  of  the  four  verses  of  the  song,  and 
also  in  measure  3  of  the  second  verse,  the  sign," "  (mezzo  stac- 
cato marks),  is  used  to  indicate  the  pulsating  of  the  voice  of  one  of 
the  singers,  probably  the  leader,  marking  the  rhythm  of  the  song. 

The  metronome  tempo  is  mostly  88,  but  varies  at  times  and  runs  as- 
high  as  92  per  minute  in  the  last  half  of  the  4th  verse. 

Between  verses  2  and  3  the  phonograph  shows  that  the  singers 
paused  eight  beats  (two  whole  measures),  and  between  verses  3  and 
4  there  was  a  similar,  though  shorter,  pause  of  two  beats  (one-half 
measure).  These  pauses  are  not  shown  in  the  notation. 

There  was  no  special  change  in  dynamics  throughout  the  song  ex- 
cept as  indicated  by  the  sforzando  marks  in  measures  1,2,  5,  6,  7,  and 
8  of  verse  4. 

In  general  character  this  song  resembles  most  the  Dang-dang-ay 
(Record  M). 


Music  463 

Diwas 
Record  B.    Sung  at  night  by  the  friends  of  a  sick  man. 

There  are  two  singers  on  this  record,  both  men  with  bass  voices. 
One  seems  to  be  the  leader,  the  accompanying  singer  dragging  along 
behind.  As  the  tempo  is  very  slow  and  many  of  the  tones  long  drawn 
out,  this  uncertainty  on  the  part  of  the  second  performer  is  not  so 
noticeable,  except  on  the  quick  runs  as  the  leader  passes  to  another 
principal  tone. 

The  song  is  cast  in  the  natural  minor  scale  of  D.  The  E^  near  the 
beginning  of  the  second  line  does  not  belong  to  the  scale.  It  is  not 
well  defined  on  the  record,  and  so  is  indicated  in  the  transcription  with 
an  interrogation-mark  beneath. 

Although  not  confined  to  the  intervals  of  the  pentatonic  scale, 
the  number  is  distinctly  pentatonic  in  character.  It  is  made  up  mostly 
of  the  tones  A,  C,  D,  and  E.  These  tones  belong  to  the  pentatonic 
scales  of  C  major  and  its  relative  minor  A.  In  tonality,  the  song  can- 
not be  considered  as  belonging  to  either  of  these  keys,  as  there  is  a 
very  distinct  feeling  of  B^  in  it,  notwithstanding  that  the  tone  is  seldom 
dwelt  upon,  but  passed  over  quickly,  almost  glissando,  in  nearly  every 
place  where  it  occurs. 

The  song  ends  on  A.  This  is  not  the  key  note,  however,  but  is  the 
fifth  of  the  key. 

The  song  is  like  a  mournful  chant.  Throughout  there  is  a  peculiar 
wailing  which  leaves  a  strange,  haunting  impression.  The  music  ad- 
mirably suits  the  hour  when  it  is  used.  It  would  be  decidedly  incon- 
gruous given  in  broad  daylight.  These  untutored  savages  could  hardly 
have  conjured  up  a  more  typical  tone-picture  of  the  "shadowy  valley" 
than  the  song  heard  on  this  record. 

The  peculiarly  weird  character  is  due  in  large  part  to  the  swelling 
out  and  dying  away  of  the  tones  on  certain  syllables.  (For  comparison 
to  effects  found  in  Igorot  music,  see  "Swelled  Tones"  under  Defini- 
tion of  Qualities,  p.  479).  , 

Sang-Sangit 

Record  C.     Sung  during  the  evening  following  a  funeral. 

In  this  record  we  hear  but  one  voice — a  man's.    The  song  is  cast  in 

the  minor  scale  of  G,  but  whether  the  natural  minor  or  the  harmonic, 

cannot  be  determined,  as  the  singer  does  not  use  the  7th  of  the  scale. 

It  is  not  pentatonic  in  character. 

The  song  is  given  in  the  recitative  style.  There  are  several  verses 


464  The  Tinguian 

which  vary  but  little  in  the  music,  except  for  the  changes  in  the  reite- 
rated staccato  tones  which  are  made  greater  or  less  in  number  to  ac- 
comodate the  difference  in  number  of  syllables.  With  the  exception  of 
those  starting  the  glissandos  or  trills,  the  repeated  tones  were  given 
with  a  very  decided  staccato  punch. 

Much  of  the  intonation  is  vague.  In  taking  the  glissandos  shown 
near  the  middle  of  the  top  line,  the  upper  tone  is  sung  about  half  way 
between  B^  and  B^.  There  is  some  abandon  in  the  rhythm  also. 

The  group  of  six  notes  marked  with  an  asterisk  are  trilled  on  the 
semitone  interval. 

Dawak 
Record  D.    The  song  of  a  medium  when  calling  spirits  into 
her  (his)  body. 

This  song  is  doubtless  the  invention  of  the  singer.  It  has  that 
abandon  which  usually  characterizes  the  songs  of  workers  in  the 
occult  among  primitive  folk. 

The  song  is  cast  mostly  in  the  relative  minor  (G#)  of  the  pen- 
tatonic  scale  of  B*  major.  A#  does  not  belong  to  this  scale.  There 
are  five  measures,  where  this  note  appears,  but  in  each  instance  the 
tonality  of  the  phrase  momentarily  rests  in  D#  minor,  the  relative  of 
the  pentatonic  major  of  F*.  A*  belongs  to  this  scale,  but  B^  does  not. 
The  singer,  with  his  instinct  for  the  five-note  scale,  avoids  the  B^ 
until  the  tonality  shifts  back  to  the  original  key.  The  song  is  therefore 
classed  as  pentatonic  in  character. 

The  melody  is  distinctly  harmonic  in  structure,  as  nearly  all  of 
the  successions  are  made  up  of  triad  intervals. 

Though  the  song  runs  but  a  minute  and  a  half,  the  tempo  changes 
eight  times.  The  performer  takes  nearly  every  new  tempo  with  a  well- 
defined  rhythm.  There  is  considerable  freedom  shown  in  the  first 
movement  when  the  tremolos  between  B^  and  the  G*  below  are  taken. 

The  singer  shows  quite  remarkable  flexibility  of  voice,  excellent 
breath  control,  and  a  rather  surprising  quality  of  tone  and  accuracy 
of  intonation.  As  a  demonstration  of  flexibility,  about  the  middle  of 
the  first  movement,  he  takes  the  quarter  note  B^  in  falsetto  and  im- 
mediately drops  into  the  waver  a  tenth  below,  at  the  same  time  as- 
suming his  natural  voice.  The  falsetto  tone  is  indicated  in  the  tran- 
scription by  a  tiny  circle  above  the  note.  All  of  the  wavered  tones,  as 
well  as  the  falsetto  at  the  beginning  and  the  turn  at  the  end  are  sung 
with  one  breath  to  a  single  syllable.  This  is  quite  a  remarkable  per- 
formance considering  that  the  singer  had  no  voice  training. 


Music  465 

Near  the  opening  of  the  first  2/4  movement  is  shown  a  group  of 
five  notes  given  in  the  time  of  four, — a  rhythmic  effect  few  trained 
musicians  can  execute  well. 

Of  the  various  performers  who  took  part  in  making  the  fourteen 
records,  this  singer  shows  the  best  voice  technic  and  control. 

The  fact  that  the  singer  scarcely  repeats  a  single  motive  through- 
out the  extent  of  the  song,  but  is  constantly  introducing  new  tonal 
ideas  argues  an  extempore  performance.  It  would  be  interesting  to 
have  for  comparison  another  record  of  the  same  song  made  at  another 
time. 

Song  of  a  Spirit 
Record  E.    Sung  by  a  medium  when  possessed  by  a  spirit. 

Melodically  this  song  is  quite  in  contrast  with  the  Dawak.  This 
one  is  distinctly  melodic  in  structure,  though  there  are  suggested  har- 
monies. These  harmonies  are  mostly  tonic  and  dominant  alternating 
one  with  the  other. 

Using  a  two-measure  motive,  which  he  announces  at  the  very 
start,  the  singer  works  the  material  over  and  over,  first  in  one  har- 
monic mode  and  then  in  the  other,  frequently  changing  the  form  of  the 
motive  through  embellishments  or  altered  metric  values,  but  always 
leaving  an  impression  which  harks  back  to  the  original  motive. 

Arrange  the  various  tones  of  this  melody  in  any  order  that  we  will, 
we  cannot  make  them  conform  to  any  diatonic  scale  used  in  modern 
music.  If,  however,  we  ignore  the  C°,  which  occurs  twice  in  the  song, 
it  gives  us  an  incomplete  ascending  melodic-minor  scale  in  Db.  But 
the  song  is  not  minor  in  mode.  It  is  distinctly  major  in  tonality.  It  is 
formed  mostly  of  the  four  tones  D^,  Eb,  A*,  and  B5'.  All  of  these  be- 
long to  the  pentatonic  major  scale  of  D*'.  This  gives  a  very  marked 
pentatonic  flavor,  yet  the  song  is  not  in  the  pentatonic  scale,  for  the 
singer  introduces  half  steps,  and  there  are  no  such  intervals  in  the 
pentatonic  scale. 

Casting  about  among  the  scales  used  by  various  peoples,  the  near- 
est approach  I  find  to  the  tonal  succession  of  this  song  is  one  of  the 
numerous  scales  or  "tunings"  used  by  the  Japanese.  It  is  that  known 
as  the  "Hirajoshi."  To  make  comparison  easy,  I  have  transposed  this 
Japanese  koto-tuning  into  the  same  key  as  that  of  the  song.  Along 
with  it  I  show  the  tonal  material  of  the  Tinguian  song  arranged  in  cor- 
responding sequence. 


466  The  Tinguian 

?-"J,i»JTJ'|>'      T     T  H.Jtl.^'1      "       ^^ 

,  ""     3     1       4   '* It     7      4 5 *  ■•»  ,      I     J     4-     *      t     7     6     9      <••'»•     '» 

It  will  be  seen  that  every  note  in  the  Japanese  scale  is  found  also 
in  the  Tinguian,  though  not  always  in  the  same  octave.  All  of  the 
Tinguian  tones  are  found  in  the  Japanese  scale  except  the  Cb  and  D^. 
These  exceptions  are  shown  with  their  stems  turned  down.  The  notes 
shown  in  white  in  the  Tinguian  scale  are  not  sung  at  the  pitch  in- 
dicated, but  occur  in  the  song  as  octaves  of  these  tones.  The  black  notes 
therefore  show  the  actual  tones  sung.  It  will  be  noticed  that  in  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  notes  the  opening  tone  is  repeated  a  few  notes  later 
on.  This  is  because  the  Japanese  usually  tune  the  koto  with  the  first 
and  fifth  strings  in  unison  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  certain  pass- 
ages in  their  music. 

The  "Jog,"  heard  so  frequently  in  the  Igorot  songs,  occurs  eight 
times  in  this  number.  It  is  not  quite  so  well  defined  here,  however,  as 
in  the  Dang-dang-ay,  being  modified  in  this  song  either  by  syncopation, 
by  phrasing,  or  by  lack  of  accent.  It  is  interesting  to  note  however, 
that  it  is  always  given  on  the  tonic  or  the  dominant,  and  also  that  it  is 
repeated  in  true  Igorot  style. 

The  unconcern  and  skill  with  which  the  performer  of  this  song 
unravels  the  mixed  up  duplet  and  triplet  groups,  is  evidence  of  his 
inherent  sense  of  rhythm,  as  it  pertains  to  the  symetry  of  note  groups 
and  their  embodiment  as  beat-units  into  larger,  varying  measure- 
units  ;  but  his  indifference,  as  he  juggles  his  metric  values  of  2/4,  3/8, 
and  3/4  time,  shows  an  entire  absence  of  appreciation  for  form  as  re- 
vealed in  even-measured  sections,  phrases,  and  periods  of  modern 
music. 

Considered  in  the  light  of  an  oracle  from  the  spirit  himself  speak- 
ing through  the  medium,  the  music  would  indicate  that  the  spectre  is 
not  one  of  the  gentle  and  kind  disposition,  but  on  the  contrary  is  very 
domineering.  He  is  of  frightful  mien,  and  tries  to  terrorize  all  who 
come  under  his  sway. 

Song  of  a  Spirit 

Record  F.    Sung  by  a  medium  when  possessed  by  a  spirit. 

This  song  is  very  similar  in  general  character  to  the  Dawak,  and 
many  qualities  in  it  indicate  that  it  is  given  by  the  same  performer. 
It  has  the  same  general  formation  as  the  Dazvak.  It  is  harmonic  in  con- 


Music  467 

struetion.  Nearly  all  of  its  tones  follow  the  triad  intervals  of  either 
the  minor  or  its  relative  major  tonic  chords  or  the  minor  dominant 
chord.  There  is  no  well-marked  motive  development  but  instead  a 
succession  of  tones  first  from  one  triad,  then  from  another,  and  so  on, 
grouped  in  ever  varying  fashion. 

The  key  is  G  minor,  but  closes  in  the  relative  major  B.  While  sing- 
ing in  the  minor,  the  performer  follows  modern  methods  and  raises 
his  seventh  or  "leading  tone,"  when  the  progression  is  upwards  into 
the  tonic  (see  measures  10,  13,  25,  and  27). 

The  tempo  is  mostly  108,  but  at  the  tenth  measure  the  movement 
slows  down  to  80.  At  this  point  is  shown  a  note  with  a  large  circle 
above.  This  tone  was  taken  with  a  very  wide  open  mouth  quite  in  con- 
trast with  the  one  preceeding.  The  next  measure  following  shows  two 
tones  taken  falsetto. 

Like  the  Dawak,  this  song  is  probably  the  composition  of  the 
singer.  Although  very  primitive  in  its  general  aspect,  it  has  absorbed 
from  some  source  a  bit  of  modern  influence. 

If  the  surmise  is  correct  that  the  performer  of  this  song  is  the 
same  as  the  one  who  made  the  record  of  the  Dawak,  and  if  the  two 
songs  were  made  at  distinct  times  with  a  considerable  period  elapsing 
in  which  other  records  were  made,  it  would  indicate,  as  is  frequently 
the  case  among  primitive  singers,  that  this  performer  almost  invariably 
sings  at  the  same  pitch.  In  other  words,  he  has  to  some  degree  the  sense 
of  absolute  pitch. 

Bagovas 

Record  G.    A  song  of  praise  and  compliment  sung  by  a  guest  at  a  feast 

or  party.     Words  are  extempore,  but  music  constant. 


The  singer  is  a  tenor  with  considerable  dramatic  quality  in  his 
voice.  The  words  of  the  song  must  be  extemporized  to  suit  each  new 
occasion ;  so  also,  must  the  elemental  tonal  forms  be  extemporaneously 
combined,  for  the  music  must  fit  the  words,  and  these  will  vary  in 
rhythm  and  meter  with  each  performance.  The  music  may  be  con- 
sidered constant,  however,  in  that  the  form  of  each  component  motive 
is  more  or  less  fixed. 

The  following  five  group-ingredients,  used  either  in  the  pure  form 


468  The  Tinguian 

as  shown,  or  with  slight  alterations,  make  up  approximately  one-half 
of  the  entire  song. 

Reiterated  tones  and  glissandos  pad  out  between  these  and  make 
up  practically  the  remainder  of  the  number. 

Turning  our  attention  to  the  first  of  the  above  groups,  which  I 
have  marked  "M.  M.  1."  (melodic  motive),  we  find  that  it  is  used 
nearly  a  score  of  times  throughout  the  extent  of  the  song. 

A  motive  may  be  modified  in  ten  different  recognized  ways  and 
each  form  of  modification  employed  in  varying  degrees,  within  certain 
limits,  and  yet  the  motive  will  not  loose  its  identity.  As  an  example 
of  this  we  find  in  this  song  the  first  melodic  motive  transposed  from 
the  fourth  degree  of  the  scale  (where  it  is  originally  announced)  to 
the  first,  the  fifth,  and  the  sixth  degrees.  We  find  the  same  motive 
given  with  omissions,  with  additions,  with  augmentations,  with  con- 
tractions, and  with  altered  rhythmic  values;  in  short,  the  composer  has 
turned  this  motive  over  and  over,  and  unwittingly  developed  it  much 
after  the  manner  used  by  musicians  trained  in  the  art  of  composition. 
The  fact  that  this  motive  is  given  four  times  rhythmically  and  melodic- 
ally  intact,  besides  recurring  frequently  throughout  the  composition 
in  one  or  another  of  the  accepted  forms  of  modification,  argues  that 
this  melodic  germ  was  a  familiar  tone-figure  to  the  singer,  one  that  he 
could  apply  to  most  any  syllable  on  which  he  wished  to  dwell.  In  this 
connection  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  this  motive,  in  its  purest  form, 
is  always  used  in  a  transitional  way,  not  only  musically,  but  rhetoric- 
ally, thus  "marking  time,"  as  it  were,  while  the  improvisator  chooses  his 
next  words  of  praise. 

The  second  melodic  motive  (M.  M.  2.)  occurs  at  least  five  times, 
with  some  transformations  to  be  sure,  and  sometimes  even  overlapping 
the  first  motive.  The  third  (R.  M.)  is  purely  rhythmic,  but  seems  to  be 
a  pet  device  of  the  singer  and  helps  him  out  with  syllables  needing 
special  emphasis.  The  fourth  can  hardly  be  dignified  by  the  name  of 
motive,  in  this  case,  but  is  simply  a  musical  device  (M.  D.),  used  by 
the  singer  mostly  in  his  terminations. 

I  surmise  that  the  song  in  its  entirety,  including  the  above  elemental 
groups,  is  the  invention  of  the  singer.  He  has  equipped  himself  with 
these  particular  tonal  fragments,  because  they  not  only  suit  his  fancy, 
but  lie  well  within  the  range  of  his  vocal  attainments.  He  has  used 
them  so  frequently  and  in  such  varied  forms  that  he  can  instantly 
twist,  turn,  or  alter  them  to  fit  the  requirements  of  the  various  syllables 
of  his  ever  changing  flatteries. 


Music  469 

With  a  few  such  elemental  groups  of  his  own  invention  at  com- 
mand, any  singer  would  be  well  equipped  to  extemporize  for  the  de- 
lectation of  his  host  and  the  entertainment  of  the  other  guests. 

The  song  is  exceptional  for  strongly  accented  notes.  The  triplets 
giving  the  value  of  three  quarter  notes  in  the  time  of  two  are  rather 
unusual  in  modern  music.  It  is  cast  in  the  natural  minor  scale  of  B^. 
The  singer  never  uses  either  the  raised  6th  or  7th  in  ascending,  as  do 
moderns  in  the  melodic  minor,  but  adheres  strictly  to  the  old  normal 
or  natural  minor  form. 

Although  diatonic,  in  that  both  the  Gh  and  O  appear  frequently, 
yet  the  number  savors  much  of  the  pentatonic. 

At  three  places  where  the  singer  uses  one  or  the  other  of  the  tones 
foreign  to  the  pentatonic  scale,  he  makes  half -step  progressions. 

In  the  fourth  line  of  the  song  we  find  the  single  instance  in  these 
records,  where  the  performer  takes  an  upward  glissando.  It  is  on  the 
two-note  embellishment  F*  Gb  shown  in  the  last  measure  of  that  line. 
It  is  immediately  followed  by  a  downward  glissando. 

Balalognimas 
Record  H. 

Two  singers  are  heard  on  this  record.  They  seem  to  be  women. 
Possibly  there  are  more  than  the  two  voices.  As  the  song  has  such  a 
well-defined  swing  and  such  a  martial  character,  it  must  be  wonder- 
fully inspiring  when  given  by  a  large  company  of  singers. 

It  is  cast  in  the  natural  minor  diatonic  scale  of  C#,  though  it  is 
strongly  pentatonic  in  character. 

The  rhythm  is  partly  5/8  and  partly  4/8,  but  it  swings  along  so 
naturally  that  it  seems  as  if  it  could  not  be  otherwise. 

The  distribution  of  the  accents,  sometimes  falling  on  the  first  and 
third  beats  and  again  on  the  second  and  fourth,  helps  to  give  it  a 
character  which  puts  it  in  a  class  by  itself.  It  has  the  most  character 
of  any  of  the  women's  songs  in  this  group. 

There  are  several  verses  to  the  song  almost  precisely  alike  in 
words  and  music. 

Da-eng.     Boys  and  Girls  Alternating. 

Record  I.     Sung  while  dancing  in  a  religious  ceremony. 

This  song  is  in  two  distinct  movements  or  parts  varying  one  from 
the  other  in  meter,  in  tempo,  and  in  general  style. 


470  The  Tinguian 

Part  i 

There  are  at  least  two  voices  discernible  in  this  part.  They  seem 
to  be  the  voices  of  girls  or  women. 

It  is  cast  in  the  relative  minor  (C)  of  the  pentatonic  scale  of  E^ 
major.  The  tones  of  this  scale  given  in  order  are  C,  Eb,  F,  G,  Bb, 
and  then  the  octave  C.  The  tones  D^  and  A^  are  missing,  thus  avoid- 
ing the  half  step  between  D  and  E1*,  and  between  G  and  A1?  (see 
remarks  in  pentatonic  scale  under  Definition  of  Qualities,  p.  480). 

The  Ab  shown  in  the  third  from  the  last  measure  of  this  part 
is  written  there  to  define  more  clearly  that  particular  glissando  which 
seems  to  be  of  slightly  different  rhythmic  construction  than  the  one 
in  the  corresponding  measure  above.  The  fact  that  the  tone  is  passed 
over  glissando  eliminates  it  from  the  scale. 

In  the  fourth  measure  of  each  line  we  find  a  peculiar  splitting 
up  of  the  parts,  one  voice  holding  the  C,  while  the  other  skips  to  the 
Eb  above,  thus  producing  the  hamony-interval  of  a  minor  third.  This 
behavior  seems  to  be  intentional  on  the  part  of  the  performers,  as 
it  occurs  precisely  the  same  in  each  of  the  four  lines  of  the  song, 
though  not  quite  so  well  defined  the  last  time  owing  to  the  fact  that 
the  upper  voice  does  not  come  out  so  strong  on  the  &.  This  is  in- 
dicated in  the  notation  by  a  small  square  note. 

Part  1  is  in  the  very  unusual  rhythm  of  5/4.  The  rhythm  is  not 
well  defined,  however,  as  there  is  considerable  abandon  in  the  style 
of  rendition.  The  metronome  tempo  of  69  applies  practically  through- 
out. Sometimes  the  singers  are  a  trifle  in  advance  of  the  count  and  at 
others  drag  behind,  but  always  sooner  or  later  drop  into  the  regular 
beat.  A  stress  on  each  fifth  count  gives  the  number  a  rhythm  of  five. 
It  is  unique  also  in  that  each  line  has  but  five  measures. 

Part  2 

In  this,  the  same  number  of  voices  is  heard  as  in  the  first  part. 
The  performers  seem  to  be  the  same  ones  who  sang  from  the  be- 
ginning. 

The  scale  is  the  same  as  that  of  part  1.  The  intonation  is  very 
distinct  and  the  character  unmistakably  pentatonic. 

In  measure  2  there  is  the  harmony-interval  of  a  perfect  fourth 
followed,  immediately  by  that  of  a  minor  third,  the  same  succession 
as  was  used  in  the  Da-eng,  Girls'  part  (Record  J).  In  the  fourth  and 
fifth  measures  of  this  part  are  found  unprepared  minor  thirds,  which 
also  appear  in  Record  J.  These  harmonies  are  not  so  primitive  a3 
those  found  in  the  boys'  part  of  the  same  ceremony  (see  Record  A). 


Music  471 

The  tempo  throughout  this  part  is  80  and  the  rhythm  strongly 
marked.  There  is  a  wait  between  the  two  lines.  The  machine  was 
evidently  stopped  at  this  point  or  the  needle  raised  and  started  again. 
Each  line  has  the  uncommon  number  of  five  measures  the  same  as 
the  first  part,  but  metrically  the  part  is  in  4/4  rhythm. 

The  second  time  through,  the  singers  seem  to  be  striving  to  re- 
peat the  first  line  of  the  movement  with  embellishments  consisting 
of  inverted  mordents,  appogiature,  and  trills. 

Musically,  there  seems  to  be  absolutely  no  connection  between  this 
song  and  the  other  two  of  the  same  ceremony.  In  many  ways  this 
song  is  the  most  interesting  of  those  submitted.  In  origin  it  probably 
dates  between  the  other  two. 

It  is  not  given  consecutively  on  the  record,  as  there  were  breaks 
between  each  two  lines  while  the  needle  was  raised. 

Da-eng.     Girls'  part. 
Record  J.     Sung  while  dancing  in  a  religious  ceremony. 

The  record  shows  but  two  voices  one  of  which  is  greatly  pre- 
dominant in  strength  and  confidence  as  if  it  were  the  leader's  voice. 

The  song  is  cast  in  the  scale  of  B  minor.  It  is  not  pentatonic.  The 
singers  would  employ,  so  an  interrogation-mark  is  placed  below  that 
be  either  A*  or  A*,  according  to  whether  the  scale  is  the  natural  minor 
or  the  harmonic  minor,  it  is  not  possible  to  determine  which  tone  the 
singers  would  employ,  so  an  interrogation  mark  is  placed  below  that 
note.  The  raised  fourth  (E$),  shown  in  the  fifth  measure  of  four  out 
of  the  six  verses,  is  perfectly  intentional  on  the  part  of  the  singers, 
but  musically,  is  to  be  interpreted  as  an  accidental,  and  does  not  affect 
the  scale  of  the  song. 

In  this  song  we  again  have  the  interval  of  a  fourth  without  the 
sixth  above.  It  occurs  four  times,  each  time  followed  immediately  by 
the  less  primitive  and  more  harmonious  interval  of  a  minor  third. 
The  minor  third  harmony  also  occurs  in  three  other  measures, — in 
these  without  preparation. 

These  minor  thirds  are  all  the  same, — B-D,  the  foundation  of  the 
tonic  chord  of  the  key, — evidence  that  the  singers  have  a  keen  sense 
of  the  minor  tonality. 

The  tempo  alternates  between  96  and  108.  The  first  half  of  each 
line  is  given  at  96,  but  the  second  half  is  taken  more  rapidly  at  108 
beats  per  minute.  Each  of  these  rhythms  is  very  evenly  preserved, 
the  time  being  well  marked  by  accented  notes  and  pulsations  of  the 


472  The  Tinguian 

voice  as  shown  in  the  score.  The  figures  at  the  ends  of  the  lines  in- 
dicate the  number  of  beats  rest  actually  taken  by  the  performers.  Twice 
they  take  the  normal  number  four,  which,  if  preserved  throughout, 
would  place  the  song  in  the  regular  eight-measure  form.  Some  of 
the  measures  are  4/4,  and  some  are  3/4. 

In  each  verse  of  this  song  we  find  an  example  of  the  characteristic 
which  I  have  termed  a  "jog."  It  is  seen  in  each  next-to-last  measure 
with  special  sign  beneath.  The  jogs  in  the  2nd,  4th,  and  6th  measures 
are  the  best  defined  (see  table  of  special  signs  under  Introduction, 

p.  444)- 

There  are  three  qualities  in  this  song,  which  indicate  that  it  is  of 
more  modern  origin  than  either  of  the  other  two  which  belong  to  the 
same  ceremony.  The  frequent  and  undoubtedly  intentional  use  of  the 
raised  fourth  giving  the  half  step  E*  to  F* ;  the  persistent  recurrence 
of  the  hardly  primitive,  minor-third  harmony;  and  the  fact  that  the 
song  is  not  cast  in  the  pentatonic  scale,  as  are  the  other  two  records 
of  the  same  ceremony,  point  to  a  more  modern  origin. 

It  may  be  that  in  the  earliest  practice  of  this  ceremony  the  girls 
or  women  did  not  participate,  their  parts  having  been  a  later  addition. 
This  could  not  be  determined  musically,  however,  without  examining 
more  records  of  songs  from  this  or  similar  ceremonies. 

Bogoyas 
Record  K.     Sung  by  a  woman. 

This  is  a  woman's  song  of  praise,  complimentary  to  the  host  at 
a  party. 

The  singer  makes  use  of  all  the  scale  tones  of  the  major  key 
of  E^,  except  the  D*.  The  Bb  found  in  the  next-to-last  measure  is  a 
passing  tone,  and  does  not  affect  the  scale  or  tonality.  At  that  point 
the  suggested  supporting  harmony  is  an  augmented  triad  upon  the 
tonic  leading  into  the  subdominant.  With  the  exception  of  this  one 
measure,  the  song  is  in  the  five-note  scale.  Notwithstanding  that  this 
measure  contains  two  Abs  and  also  the  passing  tone  B",  both  of 
which  tones  are  foreign  to  this  particular  five-note  scale,  the  song 
is  not  robbed  of  its  pentatonic  character. 

The  rhythm  of  this  song  is  interesting.  It  alternates  throughout 
between  4/4  and  5/4.  It  might  have  been  notated  in  9/4  time  in- 
stead, in  which  case  it  would  have  but  five  measures. 

The  singer  uses  the  downward  glissandos,  so  characteristic  of 
nearly  all  of  the  Tinguian  songs  of  this  group.  These  glissandos  are 


Music  473 

indicated  by  oblique  lines  drawn  beneath  the  tones  covered  by  the 
slide. 

In  the  second  measure  there  is  an  almost  inaudible  tone  at  the 
end  of  the  glissando.  It  is  indicated  by  a  small,  square  note.  Careful 
listening  to  the  record  at  this  point  shows  that  the  singer  really  leaves 
the  principal  tone  E^  and  slides  with  a  sudden  dying-down  of  volume. 
The  abruptness  with  which  the  sound  of  the  voice  fades  as  it  starts 
the  glissando,  leaves  the  impression  of  E^  still  sounding. 

One  tone  in  this  song  is  given  on  the  inhaled  breath.  It  is  indicated 
by  a  circle  with  a  dot  in  the  center  placed  beneath  the  note.  This  tone 
was  produced  well  back  in  the  throat,  while  the  singer  sharply  inhaled 
the  breath.  This  artifice,  occasionally  used  by  the  Tinguian,  is  seldom, 
if  ever,  heard  in  the  singing  of  civilized  peoples  (for  other  examples, 
see  analysis  of  Record  M,  Dang-dang-ay) . 

This  song,  given  by  a  woman,  has  not  the  well-marked  motive  de- 
velopment shown  in  the  other  Bogoyas,  sung  by  a  man.  However,  we 
find  two  quite  distinct,  prevailing  ideas  set  forth.  The  first  includes 
the  whole  of  the  first  measure  and  the  first  beat  of  the  second.  It 
seems  to  be  in  the  nature  of  a  question  which  finds  its  answer  in  the 
remainder  of  the  second  measure,  and  again  in  the  third,  and  again 
in  the  fourth  measure.  It  is  the  same  answer,  but  expressed  each  time 
in  a  little  different  manner.  In  the  fifth  measure  and  carrying  over  into 
the  sixth,  the  questioning  is  heard  again.  Although  put  forth  in  a 
different  arrangement  of  tones,  it  is  the  same  musical  thought  as  that 
expressed  in  the  first  measure.  This  time  it  is  answered  but  once.  The 
answer  takes  parts  of  two  measures.  Now  follows  another  query  simi- 
lar to  the  first,  and  again  comes  the  answer  fully  expressed  in  each 
of  the  two  concluding  measures. 

The  principal  interest  in  this  centers  around  the  B^,  indicating 
that  the  singer  has  a  very  decided  appreciation  of  the  half  step  and  of 
the  upward  leading  tendency  of  a  tone  raised  a  semitone  by  an  ac- 
cidental. 

Na-way 

Record  L.     Sung  at  the  celebration  which  closes  the  period  of 

mourning  for  the  dead. 

There  are  two  voices  heard  in  the  record,  probably  women.  In 
ten  of  the  measures  there  is  a  splitting  up  of  the  parts.  In  the  first 
measure  of  each  of  the  second  and  third  lines,  and  also  in  the  third 
measure  of  the  third  line,  the  difference  in  the  parts  is  owing  to  un- 
certainty of  attack,  one  of  the  singers,  usually  the  leader,  starting  the 


474  The  Tinguian 

syllable  ahead  of  the  other  performer.  In  the  second  measure  of  the 
last  line,  the  first  divergence  is  caused  by  the  leader  taking  E  by  way 
of  embellishment ;  and  the  second  divergence,  producing  a  minor  third, 
is  caused  by  the  other  voice  dropping  to  B  too  soon.  These  are  not  in- 
tentional harmonies.  The  other  six  departures  from  unison  are  caused 
by  the  leader  embellishing  her  part.  The  appogiatura,  shown  with  a  tiny 
circle  above,  has  the  quality  of  falsetto.  The  singer  yodles  down  to  the 
principal  tone  B. 

The  song  is  strictly  pentatonic.  Peculiarly  enough,  it  may  be  con- 
sidered as  belonging  to  any  one  of  the  following  tonalities,  B  minor, 
E  minor,  or  G  major,  though  there  is  no  G  in  the  melody.  The  song 
seems  the  most  primitive,  however,  when  considered  in  the  key  of  E 
minor,  for  the  harmonies  required  to  place  it  in  this  tonality  carry 
more  of  the  primitive  atmosphere  than  do  the  chords  which  are  re- 
quired in  either  of  the  other  tonalities. 

In  this  connection  it  would  be  interesting  to  know  just  how  these 
various  harmonizations  would  appeal  to  the  Tinguian.  It  is  a  well- 
known  fact  among  musicians  who  have  recorded  the  songs  of  primi- 
tive peoples,  that  though  the  songs  are  used  with  practically  no  har- 
monies, yet  the  singers  feel  an  harmonic  support  which  they  do  not 
express.  Experiments  along  this  line  have  been  tried  with  the  American 
Indians.  Various  harmonizations  of  a  given  melody  have  been  played 
for  them,  a  melody  which  they  themselves  sing  only  in  unison,  and 
they  have  been  very  quick  to  choose  the  particular  harmonic  support 
which  appeals  to  them  as  being  an  audible  expression  of  the  vague 
something  which  they  feel  within,  but  do  not  attempt  to  voice. 

The  tones  of  this  song  when  arranged  to  represent  the  scale  of 
E  minor  coincide  exactly  with  the  scale  tones  of  two  of  the  tunings 
of  the  Japanese  13  stringed  koto.  These  tunings  were  both  borrowed 
by  the  Japanese  from  the  Chinese  by  whom  they  were  used  as  special 
tunings  of  the  ch'in,  or  kin,  one  of  the  most  ancient  of  musical  in- 
struments. 

In  each  of  the  eleven  glissandos  shown  in  the  notation,  the  voices 
drop  suddenly  to  approximately  the  tone  shown  by  the  small  square 
note.  The  glides  are  taken  diminuendo,  the  tone  dying  away  completely. 
The  sudden  diminuation  of  tone  taken  with  a  glissando  gives  an  effect 
something  like  a  short  groan.  The  song  is  in  seven-measure  periods. 


Music  475 

Dang-dang-ay 
Record  M.     Sung  by  women  while  pounding  rice  out  of  the  straw 

and  husks. 

Only  one  voice  can  be  distinguished  in  the  record.  It  is  that  of  a 
woman. 

Though  strongly  pentatonic  in  character,  the  song  is  cast  in  the 
diatonic  scale  of  F  major.  Metrically  there  is  considerable  freedom. 
3/4,  4/4,  and  5/4  rhythms  are  thrown  in  with  the  most  haphazard 
abandon,  yet  it  has  the  even  pulsing  which  should  dominate  a  song 
of  this  character. 

The  song  is  irt  two  rather  distinct  movements.  The  first,  in  spite 
of  the  two  triplets  thrown  in  at  the  first  and  third  measures,  has  a 
straight-away  motion  which  offers  a  striking  contrast  to  the  more 
graceful,  swaying  second  part  which  is  mostly  in  triplets.  The  change 
from  one  style  to  the  other  is  made  by  the  singer  with  no  variation 
in  tempo.  It  is  therefore  admirably  adapted  to  accompany  the  regular 
falling  of  the  pestles  while  beating  out  the  rice. 

Near  the  close  of  the  song  are  two  notes  with  ®  over  them.  These 
were  vocalized  on  the  inhaled  breadth  ( for  other  examples  of  Inhaled 
Tones,  see  analysis  of  Record  K,  Bogoyas). 

This  song  contains  seven  examples  of  the  "Jog"  (see  Definition 
of  Qualities,  p.  479).  Those  in  the  second  part  of  the  song  are  the 
best  defined.  One  of  these  is  shown  with  open  head.  This  jog  is  given 
the  most  nearly  like  the  Igorot  manner  of  execution  of  any  of  the 
examples  found  in  these  fourteen  songs. 

In  general  character,  this  song  somewhat  resembles  the  Boys'  Part 
of  the  Da-eng  ceremony  (Record  A). 

KUILAY-KUILAY 

Record  N.    Sung  by  women  while  passing  liquor. 

There  is  one  singer  only  on  this  record.  It  is  a  woman.  The  song 
is  given  in  a  lively,  jolly,  rollicking  style. 

It  is  cast  in  the  F  major  scale.  The  melody  has  good  variety.  At 
times  it  defines  quite  clearly  the  harmonic  outline  by  following  the 
tonal  framework  of  the  tonic,  dominant,  or  subordinant  chords.  Pass- 
ing tones  are  used  more  freely  and  naturally  in  this  song  than  in  any 
of  the  others.    • 

In  the  third  measure  of  the  fifth  line,  the  singer  very  plainly  vocal- 
izes a  half  step  from  F  to  E.  The  second  and  fourth  lines  also  show 
semitones,  though  these  are  not  so  distinctly  given  on  the  record  as 
the  other  example. 


476  The  Tinguian 

In  the  last  measure  of  the  third  line  there  is  a  modulation  into  the 
tonality  of  Bb  which  carries  through  two  measures. 

In  the  fifth  line  are  three  accents  which  make  the  meter  rather 
elusive  at  that  point.  The  two  small  notes  shown  at  the  beginning  of 
the  third  line  seem  to  be  spoken  with  no  attempt  at  vocalization.  They 
are  notated,  however,  at  the  pitch  of  the  speaking  voice.  The  small  note 
shown  in  the  bottom  line  is  given  very  faintly  in  the  record  and  seems 
more  like  a  muffled  exclamation  than  an  intentionally  vocalized  tone. 

The  tempo  throughout  is  quite  regular,  following  the  indicated 
pulse  of  92  in  both  the  6/8  and  2/4  rhythms. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  song  there  are  a  number  of  changes  be- 
tween duple  and  triple  rhythm.  The  singer  makes  these  changes  with 
perfect  ease  and  sings  the  groups  with  that  exactness  of  proportion 
which  characterizes  the  performance  of  most  of  the  singers  in  these 
records. 

Musically  this  song  is  strikingly  adapted  to  the  purpose  for  which 
it  is  intended. 

Tabulation  of  Qualities  and  Characteristics. — The  qualities 
found  in  the  records  have  been  tabulated  under  two  main  headings. 
Under  the  caption,  "Rarely  or  Never  Heard  in  Modern  Music,"  are 
listed  those  qualities  which,  so  far  as  present  research  goes,  are  so 
very  unusual  that  they  may  be  termed  musical  idiosyncrasies  of  the 
race.  These  qualities  are  so  eccentric  that  if  found  in  several  of 
the  songs,  even  if  the  number  of  songs  be  much  in  the  minority,  the 
qualities  may  be  accepted  as  characteristics.1 

To  receive  recognition  as  a  characteristic,  any  quality  found  under 
the  other  heading,  "Commonly  Heard,"  would  necessarily  have  to 
show  that  it  quite  persistently  occurred  throughout  a  large  majority 
of  the  songs. 

The  columns  of  the  large  table,  when  read  horizontally,  show  which 
qualities  appear  in  a  given  song.  Read  vertically  they  show  the  degrees 
of  dominance  of  the  various  qualities. 

The  songs  are  grouped  under  two  heads,  those  given  by  men  and 
boys,  and  those  given  by  women  and  girls.  This  will  facilitate  com- 
parison of  the  degrees  of  dominance  of  the  qualities  found  in  the 
songs  of  each.2 

1 1  use  the  word  "modern"  in  this  connection,  as  it  pertains  to  the  music 
of  those  peoples  who  have  developed  .music  as  an  art,  and  among  whom  we  find 
conformity  to  the  same  rules  and  system  of  notation. 

2  By  reference  to  the  analysis  of  Record  I,  Da-eng  (Boys  and  girls  alternat- 
ing), it  will  be  seen  that  the  record  seems  to  have  been  made  by  one  set  of 
singers,  apparently  women  and  girls,  who  sang  together  on  both  parts.  The 
entire  record  has  therefore  been  tabulated  with  the  women's  songs. 


Music 


477 


r-    CH»*AC1tf  ISTKS  - 

0UA1  ITICA 

OOMinAKT 

u~ — . .J  Gl.«tfi>> 
T^r..t  t>-W«i.«Wt 

ICCINTAIC 
Dt-^j  Tow»» 

MmM  ■■ 

S-fiici      - 
TV  J, 

COMMOMLT   H(AR0 

- 

K 

•mi  or  f 

ih  MootR 

11 

R 

IR1UAR0 

Mu&ic 

^— —   '     " 

|>  1  If I  -  y «  r~  1 1  *  I  *I  1  rl  J< 

MFUCTIVC 

> 

S-rll«i   T.<l«l\     .        , 

("TV  A«««   l*4.«.k 
(    OX*,..    »..^ti» 

J    0  © 

J~f  tifl  1 

PlIlllllJll     I 

S..-»    — 

I10'"0\/                 «- 

o~,f  ~ 

A      DA  CMC    (6»y»>"t) 

6     Diwas 

C     Sano-samgit 

D        DAWAK, 

E     Sonoof  A  Spirit 
F     Somg  of  a  Spirit 

G       BAGOYAS    (M«n») 

1 

4 

1 

X 

X 

X 

X 

s 

L 

X 

s 

b 

X 

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4 

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5 

X 

X 

X 

2 

X 

1 

13 

X 

7 

1 

1 

1 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

3 

I 

1 

11 

— 

H     Balalognimmas 

B^ i »««(... Ill       I 
1       DA-fNG,,,,,^,^!^ 

J      DAlftG     (0..li^..t) 

K       BAGOYAS     (w.ma.i^ 
L      MA-WAY 

M    Damg-dahg-av 

i 

1 

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X 

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X 

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17 

N     KuiiAY- 

KOI  t  AY 

3 

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1  + 

■Mm    I  j  •«   U.    .......    »<.!,.    ...a    ..  t%|   »••$'      T,  »«.l.t.l.    MI^MlWR    I  r,..«    >(,»—,   t(w« 

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(A)  bA  (nc 


(„*„*»  7  ml  I  'tJ  ■£""•"     TfjJJ  W1'  "  iff]  J  1 '■   ' J  J  ^=  J 


478  The  Tinguian 

Numbers  have  been  put  down  in  some  of  the  columns  of  the  table. 
These  figures  indicate  the  number  of  times  the  quality  appeared  in  the 
song.  If  the  song  has  several  verses  on  the  record,  and  the  quality  ap- 
pears the  same  number  of  times  in  each,  then  the  tabulation  gives  the 
number  of  times  in  but  a  single  verse.  If  the  verses  vary  in  the  use 
of  the  quality,  then  an  average  has  been  struck  and  figure  put  down  in 
the  tabulation.  In  those  songs  where  a  certain  quality  occurs  with  such 
irregularity  that  it  was  impossible  to  represent  the  average  without 
fractions,  only  the  mark  X  has  been  put  down  in  the  table,  simply  to 
indicate  that  the  quality  was  present.  Such  qualities  as  Tonality, 
Character,  Structure,  Scale,  etc.,  naturally,  with  few  exceptions,  run 
through  the  whole  song,  and  they  are  indicated  by  the  X.  Some  songs 
have  both  of  two  opposed  qualities.  When  this  occurs,  it  is  shown  by 
checking  both  qualities.1  Some  qualities  which  were  present,  but  in- 
determinable are  indicated  by  an  interrogation-point.2 

Following  the  tabulation  is  given  a  detailed  explanation  or  defini- 
tion of  each  of  the  qualities  listed  at  the  heads  of  the  vertical  columns. 

Dying  Tones. — Found  only  at  the  end  of  some  few  glissandos.  On 
the  glide,  the  volume  of  sound  diminishes  so  rapidly  that  when  the 
final  tone  of  the  group  is  reached,  the  sound  has  practically  died  out. 
The  effect  is  something  like  a  short  groan  with  no  anguish  in  it.  Sign, 
— same  as  a  muted  note,  but  written  at  the  end  of  a  glissando. 

Muted  Tones. — Sort  of  half -articulated  tones,  if  I  may  use  that 
expression.  Without  more  records  of  the  same  songs  in  which  these 
are  shown,  it  is  not  possible  to  determine  whether  they  are  intended 
by  the  singers  as  necessary  parts  of  the  records.  Sign, — note  with 
small  square  head. 

Inhaled  Tones. — Tones  produced  well  back  in  the  throat  while 
sharply  inhaling  the  breath  rather  than  exhaling  it,  as  practiced  almost 
universally  by  singers.    Sign,  —  circle  with  dot  in  center. 

Pulsated  Tones. — Tones  of  more  than  one  beat  sung  with  a  ryth- 
mic stressing  usually  in  accord  with  the  time  meter  or  some  multiple  of 
that  meter.  Pulsation  is  rarely  heard  among  modern  musicians,  except 
in  drilling  ensemble  singing.  It  is  heard  quite  frequently  in  the  singing 
of  our  American  Indians  and  in  the  songs  of  several  other  primitive 
peoples.  It  occurs  to  some  extent  in  nearly  every  one  of  the  Tinguian 
men's  songs.    It  is  found  in  but  one  of  those  sung  by  women. 

Record  F,  Song  of  a  Spirit,  shows  both  major  and  minor  tonality  (for 
explanation  see  analysis  of  this  song,  p.  466). 

'Record  J,  Da-eng  (Girls'  part),  shows  this  mark  in  the  "Scale"  given  below 
the  transcription  (for  explanation  see  analysis  of  this  song,  p.  471). 


Music  479 

Though  pusation  does  serve  to  define  the  rhythm,  I  believe  it  is 
used  by  primitive  peoples  mostly  as  a  purely  aesthetic  touch.  It  is  indi- 
cated in  the  notation  by  the  usual  musical  staccato  sign  thus,  — 

Swelled  Tones. — Tones  usually  of  from  two  to  four  beats  which 
are  sung  with  increasing  volume  to  the  center,  finishing  with  a  decre- 
scendo  to  the  end.  The  Swell  is  sometimes  applied  to  tones  of  more 
than  four  beats,  but  when  so  used,  it  looses  some  of  its  character. 
Swelled  tones  must  be  given  to  single  syllables  only,  and  they  are  the 
most  effective  when  introduced  several  times  in  succession  with  but 
few,  if  any,  intervening  tones.  The  sign  which  I  have  used  is  double 
diverging  lines  followed  by  double  converging  lines  placed  under  the 
note. 

In  1905  it  was  my  privilege  to  transcribe  a  number  of  native  songs  from 
the  singing  of  a  group  of  Igorot.  In  these  songs  they  made  frequent  use  of 
swelled  tones. 

Downward  Glissandos. — An  even  sliding  of  the  voice  from  the 
topmost  tone  of  a  group  to  the  lowest  with  no  perceptible  dwelling  on 
any  intermediate  tone  and  without  in  any  manner  defining  any  of  the 
tones  lying  between  the  extremes.  Sign,  —  a  straight  line  drawn 
obliquely  downward  beneath  the  group. 

Upward  Glissandos. — An  even  sliding  of  the  voice  upward  with- 
out sounding  any  of  the  intermediate  tones.  Sign,  —  a  straight  line 
drawn  obliquely  upward  beneath  the  group. 

Notes  in  group,  beats  in  measure,  or  measures  in  period. — 
Groups  of  five  seem  to  have  no  terrors  for  these  people.  In  modern 
music  it  is  extremely  unusual  to  find  notes  grouped  in  fives,  or  measures 
having  the  rhythmic  value  of  five  beats,  or  periods  made  up  of  measures 
in  fives.  A  study  of  the  tabulation  shows  that  the  Tinguian  have  a 
rather  natural  bent  for  groupings  in  this  number.  It  seems  easy  for 
them  to  drop  into  that  metric  form.  I  consider  this  trait,  evidenced  in 
their  melodies,  one  of  the  marked  characteristics  of  their  music.1 

Groups  of  notes,  beats,  or  measures  in  seven  are  so  few  in  these 
records  that  we  are  not  warranted  in  accepting  it  as  a  characteristic. 

Jog. — An  over-emphasized  short-appoggiatura  with  always  either 
the  tonic  or  dominant  of  the  key  as  the  principal  tone.  The  first  tone 
is  usually  an  eighth  or  sixteenth  in  value,  and  must  stand  on  the  next 

1 1  find  groups  of  five  used  occasionally  in  the  singing  of  our  American 
Indians.  Burton  ("Primitive  American  Music")  shows  its  frequent  use  among 
the  Chippeway.  Miss  Fletcher  also  shows  groups  in  five  in  her  "Omaha 
Music,"  and  Miss  Densmore  gives  similar  grouping  in  her  transcriptions  of 
American  Indian  songs. 


480  The  Tinguian 

degree  above  the  principal  tone.    The  principal  tone  is  usually  a  quarter 
note  or  longer  in  value. 

In  singing  the  jog,  the  short  note  is  given  a  very  pointed  accent, 
the  voice  dropping  quickly  with  a  sort  of  jerk  to  the  second,  unaccented, 
sustained  tone.  It  is  executed  without  sliding,  both  tones  being  well- 
defined.  To  be  most  effective,  it  should  be  given  two,  three,  or  four 
times  consecutively  without  intervening  tones. 

This  device  was  heard  very  frequently  in  the  Igorot  songs ;  in  fact,  some 
of  their  songs  consisted  of  little  else  than  the  jog  sounded  first  on  tonic  two  or 
three  times,  then  the  same  number  of  times  on  the  dominant,  then  again  on  the 
tonic,  then  on  the  dominant,  and  so  on  back  and  forth. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  know  just  how  commonly  this  device  is  used  in 
the  singing  of  the  Tinguian  and  also  in  the  music  of  other  tribes  of  these 
Islands.  From  it  we  might  learn  something  of  the  contact  of  other  tribes  with 
the  Igorot.  * 

Japanese  Scales. — For  structure  of  these  scales,  see  analysis  of 
those  songs  using  one  or  another  of  the  Japanese  "tunings"  or  approxi- 
mations to  them. 

Tonality. — That   entire  group   of    harmonies    which,    intimately 
related  to  a  foundation  or  "tonic"  chord,  may  be  considered  as 
clustered  around  and  drawn  to  it. 
Major  Tonality.     That  tonality   in  which  the  upper  two  of   the 
three  tones  constituting  its  tonic  chord,  when  ranged  upward 
from  its  foundation  tone,  are  found  at  distances  of  four  and 
seven  semitones  respectively  from  it. 
Minor  Tonality.     That  tonality  in  which  the  upper  two  of  the  three 
tones  constituting  its  tonic  chord,  when  ranged  upward  from 
its  foundation  tone,  are  found  at  distances  of  three  and  seven 
semitones  respectively  from  it. 
Pentatonic  Character.     That  peculiar  essence  or  quality  which  a 
melody  has  when  it  is  built  up  entirely  or  almost  wholly  of  the 
tones  of  the  pentatonic  or  five-note  scale.     The  melody  may 
employ  sparingly  one  or  both  of  the  two  tones  foreign  to  the 
pentatonic   scale,  and  yet  its   pentatonic   character  will   not   be 
destroyed. 
Diatonic  Character.     That  quality  which  a  melody  takes  on  when 
the  two  tones  which  are  foreign  to  the  pentatonic  scale  of  the 
same  key  or  tonality  are  freely  employed. 

I  use  this  term  in  contradistinction  to  "Pentatonic  Character,"  and 
not  in  contradistinction  to  "Chromatic,"  as  it  is  usually  employed  in 
musical  literature. 

Melodic  Structure.     That  form  of  flowing  succession  of  tones  in 


Music  481 

which  the  accented  tones,  if  considered  in  sequence,  show 
dominant  non-adherence  to  chord  intervals. 

Harmonic  Structure.  That  form  of  tonal  succession  in  which  the 
tones  of  the  melody  follow  rather  persistently  the  structural 
outline  of  chords. 

Major  Pentatonic  Scale.  That  scale  in  which  the  constituent  tones, 
if  considered  in  upward  sequence,  would  show  the  following 
arrangement  of  whole  and  whole-and-a-half-step  intervals, — 
(whole)  (whole)  (whole-and-a-half)  (whole)  (whole-and-a- 
half). 

Minor  Pentatonic  Scale.  That  scale  in  which  the  constituent  tones, 
if  considered  in  upward  sequence,  would  show  the  following 
arrangement  of  whole  and  whole-and-a-half  step  intervals, — 
(whole-and-a-half)  (whole)  (whole)  (whole-and-a-half) 
(whole). 

The  pentatonic  scale  is  markedly  primitive  in  character.  It  is  known 
to  have  been  in  use  anterior  to  the  time  of  Guido  d'Arezzo,  which  would 
give  it  a  date  prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  nth  century.1 

Rowbotham  ascribes  the  invention  of  scales  to  those  primitive  musicians 
who,  striving  for  greater  variety  in  their  one-toned  chants,  added  first  one 
newly-discovered  tone,  then  another,  and  another.2  The  pentatonic  scale 
might  have  resulted  from  such  chanting. 

Most  of  the  primitive  peoples  of  the  present  day  do  not  seem  to  feel 
or  "hear  mentally"  the  half  step.  If  musicians  of  early  days  had  this  same 
failing,  it  was  only  natural  for  them  to  avoid  that  interval  by  eliminating 
from  their  songs  one  or  the  other  of  each  couplet  of  tones  which  if  sung 
would  form  a  half  step,  thus  their  chants  would  be  pentatonic. 

Not  only  do  people  in  the  primitive  state  fail  to  sense  the  half  step, 
but  also  people  in  modern  environment  who  have  heard  very  infrequently 
this  smallest  interval  of  modern  music. 

Inability  to  sense  this  interval  may  be  better  understood  when  we  stop 
to  consider  that  most  of  us  find  it  unnatural  and  difficult  to  hear  mentall> 
the  still  smaller  quarter-step  interval  or  one  of  the  even-yet-smaller  sub- 
divisions of  the  octave  which  some  peoples  have  come  to  recognize  through 
cultivation,  and  have  embodied  in  their  music. 

This  tendency  to  avoid  the  half  step  and  develop  along  the  line  of 
pentatonic  character  is  sometimes  seen  in  our  own  children  when  they  fol- 
low their  natural  bent  in  singing.  It  has  been  my  observation  that  children 
with  some  musical  creative  ability,  but  unaccustomed  to  hearing  modern 
music  with  its  half  steps,  almost  invariably  hum  their  bits  of  improvised 
melody  in  the  pentatonic  scale. 

Major  Diatonic  Scale.     That  scale  in  which  the  constituent  tones 

if  considered  in  upward  sequence  would  show  the  following 

arrangement    of    whole    and    half    step    intervals,    — (whole) 

(whole)  (half)  (whole)  (whole)  (whole)  (half). 

1  Grove,  Dictionary  of  Music  and  Musicians,  Vol.  IV. 
*  Rowbotham,  History  of  Music. 


482  The  Tinguian 

Natural  Minor  Diatonic  Scale.  That  scale  in  which  the  consti- 
tuent tones,  if  considered  in  upward  sequence,  would  show  the 
following  arrangement  of  whole  and  half  step  intervals, — (whole) 
(half)    (whole)   (whole)    (half)    (whole)   (whole). 

Harmonic  Minor  Diatonic  Scale.  That  scale  in  which  the  consti- 
tuent tones,  if  considered  in  upward  sequence,  would  show  the 
following  arrangement  of  half,  whole  and  whole-and-a-half 
step  intervals,  — (whole)  (half)  (whole)  (whole)  (half) 
(whole-and-a-half)  (half). 

Melodic  Minor  Diatonic  Scale  (Ascending).  That  scale  in  which 
the  constituent  tones,  if  considered  in  upward  sequence,  would 
show  the  following  arrangement  of  whole  and  half  step  inter- 
vals, — (whole)  (half)  (whole)  (whole)  (whole)  (whole) 
(half). 

Falsetto.  Artificial  or  strained  head-tones  which  sound  an  octave 
above  the  natural  tone.     Sign, — a  tiny  circle  above  the  note. 

In  record  L,.Naway  is  shown  one  falsetto  tone.     It  is  un- 
usual to  find  this  effect  in  a  woman's  voice. 

Semitones  Sung.  This  needs  no  definition.  The  classification  is 
put  down  to  show  to  what  extent  these  singers  appreciate  the 
half -step  intervals,  and  are  able  to  vocalize  it  (see  preceeding 
definition  of  Pentatonic  Scale  for  footnote  relative  to  appre- 
ciation of  this  interval).  Sign,  — curved  bracket  above  or 
below  the  notes. 

In  these  records  the  men  use  the  half-step  interval  in  six  of  their  seven 
songs,  while  the  women  make  use  of  it  in  but  three  of  their  eight  songs. 

Appoggiature.  These,  with  the  exception  of  one  double  one  shown 
in  the  Bagoyas  (Record  G),  are  all  of  the  single,  short  variety. 
The  singers  execute  them  with  the  usual  quickness  heard  in 
modern  music,  but  with  the  accent  about  equally  divided  be- 
tween the  appoggiatura  and  the  principal  tone.  In  the  tran- 
scription they  are  indicated  by  the  usual  musical  symbol,  — a 
small  eighth  note  with  a  slanting  stroke  through  the  hook. 

Mordents.  Those  used  in  these  songs  are  all  of  the  "inverted" 
kind,  and  were  executed  by  the  singers  in  the  manner  used  by 
modern  musicians ;  that  is,  by  giving  a  quick,  single  alternation 
of  the  principal  tone  with  the  next  scale  tone  above.  Indicated 
in  the  score  by  the  usual  musical  symbol. 

Trills  and  Wavers.  These  need  no  comment  except  to  call  attention 
to  the  fact  that  there  are  none  found  in  the  regular  songs  of 


Music  483 

the  women.     The  one  shown  in  Record  I   (Da-eng,   Boys  and 
Girls  alternating)  is  in  the  boys'  part. 

Changing  Between  Duple  and  Triple  Rhythm.  I  consider  this 
quite  a  striking  quality  in  these  songs.  Some  primitive  peoples 
show  little  concern  over  such  rhythmic  changes,  in  fact,  among 
some  races  where  percussive  instruments  are  used  to  accom- 
pany the  singing,  we  frequently  hear  the  two  rhythms  at  the 
same  time  fitted  perfectly  one  against  the  other.  This  is  espe- 
cially true  among  our  American  Indians. 

While  it  is  not  uncommon  to  find  compositions  in  modern 
music  using  these  two  rhythms  alternately,  they  are  alternated 
rather  sparingly.  A  great  many  musicians  have  difficulty  in 
passing  smoothly  from  one  to  the  other,  preserving  perfect  propor- 
tions in  the  note  values. 

In  noting  down  in  the  table  the  findings  under  this  head, 
I  have  put  down  under  each  song,  not  the  number  of  duple  or 
triple  or  quadruple  groups  in  the  song,  but  rather  the  number 
of  "changes"  which  occur.  After  one  has  made  the  transition 
from  one  style  of  rhythm  to  the  other,  and  has  the  new  "swing" 
established,  manifestly  it  is  no  special  feat  to  follow  along  in 
that  same  kind  of  measure ;  but  the  real  test  is  the  "change"  to 
the  rhythm  of  the  other  sort.  For  instance,  in  the  Song  of  the 
Spirit  (Record  E),  I  find  but  31  measures  and  parts  of  meas- 
ures which  are  in  triple  rhythm,  yet  the  singer  had  to  change 
his  meter  47  times  to  execute  these.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Dang-dang-ay  (Record  M),  has  in  it  21  triple-time  measures 
and  triplet  groups  of  notes,  but  because  of  the  persistence  of 
the  triple  rhythm,  when  once  established  in  the  second  part, 
the  song  requires  a  changing  of  swing  but  17  times. 

Because  of  the  frequency  of  changes  found  throughout 
these  songs,  and  noting,  as  heard  in  the  records,  the  precision 
with  which,  in  nearly  every  instance,  a  new  rhythm  is  taken, 
I  conclude  that  the  Tinguian  have  a  remarkable  grasp  of  dif- 
ferent metric  values,  which  enables  them  to  change  readily  from 
one  to  the  other.  Naturally  this  trait  would  stamp  itself  upon 
their  music,  and  I  consider  the  use  of  such  frequent  metric 
changes  a  dominant  characteristic. 

Although  frequent  rhythmic  change  is  also  strongly  char- 
acteristic of  the  music  of  some  other  peoples,  as  I  have  indi- 
cated elsewhere,  it  is  important  to  tabulate  it  here  to  differen- 


484  The  Tinguian 

tiate  the  Tinguian  from  those  peoples  who  do  not  make  use 
of  it. 
Minor  3RDS,  Perfect  4THS,  and  Perfect  sths.  These  are  the  only 
intentional  harmonies  found  in  these  songs.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  the  only  examples  are  in  the  Da-eng  ceremony, 
where  all  three  are  used,  some  in  one  part  and  some  in  another. 

Among  some  primitive  peoples,  only  the  men  take  part  in 
the  songs.  The  early  chanting  of  all  peoples  was  quite  likely 
by  men.  Probably  the  most  primitive  harmony  was  a  perfect 
fifth  resulting  from  the  attempt  of  men  with  different  ranges 
to  sing  together.  The  difference  between  a  bass  and  a  tenor 
voice  is  just  about  a  fifth.  Between  an  alto  and  a  soprano  it  is 
about  a  fourth.  The  difference  in  these  voices  made  it  impos- 
sible to  sing  melodies  of  wide  range  in  unison,  and  so  the  basses 
and  tenors  sang  in  consecutive  fifths.  When  women  took  up  the 
chanting,  they  sang  either  in  fifths  or  in  fourths. 

These  harmonies  appealed  to  them,  and  so  continued  in  use 
even  when  there  was  no  exigency  on  account  of  restricted  range. 

Referring  again  to  the  Da-eng  ceremony,  it  is  interesting  to 
observe  that  the  three  different  parts  of  this  ceremony  are  in 
distinct  scales,  and  that  the  part  sung  by  the  girls  alone,  is 
diatonic  in  character  while  the  other  two  parts  are  pentatonic. 

Conclusion.— lI  have  long  been  of  the  opinion  that  the  music 
of  different  peoples  should  be  given  more  consideration  by  scien- 
tists in  their  endeavor  to  trace  cultural  relationships.  In  years  gone 
by,  ethnologists  have  attached  too  little  importance  to  the  bearing 
which  music  has  on  their  science. 

I  am  of  the  opinion  that  every  peculiarity,  even  to  the  smallest 
element  that  enters  into  the  make-up  of  a  given  melody,  has  some 
influence  back  of  it  which  has  determined  the  element  and  shaped 
it  into  combination.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  a  thorough  study  of 
the  music  would  reveal  these  influences,  and  through  them  establish 
hitherto  unknown  ethnological  facts. 

I  believe  that  a  careful  study  of  a  large  number  of  the  songs 
or  instrumental  pieces  of  a  people  will  reveal  a  quite  definite  general 
scheme  of  construction  which  can  be  accepted  as  representative 
of  that  people  alone ;  and  if  such  an  analysis  be  made  of  the  music 
of  many  peoples  and  the  findings  so  tabulated  that  the  material 
will  be  comprehensible  to  ethnologists  trained  to  that  branch  of 
musical  research,  many  interesting  and  instructive  side-lights  will  be 
thrown  on  the  question  of  tribal  relationship. 


Music  485 

I  realize  that  to  examine  exhaustively  and  then  tabulate  the 
characteristics  found  in  the  music  of  just  one  of  the  many  peoples 
of  the  globe  would  be  something  of  an  undertaking;  but  neverthe- 
less I  believe  the  work  should  be  undertaken  in  this  large  way,  and 
when  it  is,  I  am  sure  the  results  will  justify  the  experiment. 

I  appreciate  that  there  is  an  intangible  something  about  music, 
which  may  prove  baffling  when  it  comes  to  reducing  it  to  cold 
scientific  symbols  and  descriptions.  Take,  for  instance,  quality  of 
tone.  Each  one  of  us  knows  perfectly  the  various  qualities  of  the 
different  speaking  voices  of  friends  and  acquaintances,  yet  how 
many  of  us  can  so  accurately  describe  those  qualities  to  a  stranger 
that  he  also  may  be  able  to  identify  the  voices  among  a  thousand 
others.  The  tabulation  of  such  elusive  qualities  would  have  to  be 
in  very  general  terms.  Such  indefinable  characteristics  would,  to 
some  extent,  have  to  depend  for  comparison  upon  the  memory  of 
those  workers  who  had  received  first-hand  impressions.  It  would 
be  something  like  a  present-day  musician  identifying  an  unfamiliar 
composition  as  belonging  to  the  "French  school,"  the  "Italian  school," 
or  the  "Russian  school;"  and  yet,  this  same  musician  might  not  be 
able  to  point  out  with  definiteness  a  single  characteristic  of  that  par- 
ticular so-called  "school." 

Though  I  have  held  these  opinions  for  several  years,  I  am  more 
than  ever  convinced,  since  examining  these  few  Tinguian  records, 
that  something  really  tangible  and  worth  while  can  be  deduced 
from  the  music  of  various  primitive  peoples,  and  I  trust  this  branch 
of  ethnology  will  soon  receive  more  serious  recognition. 

Manifestly  it  would  be  unwise  to  draw  any  unalterable  conclu- 
sions from  the  examination  of  but  fourteen  records  of  a  people. 
But  even  in  this  comparatively  small  number  of  songs,  ranging  as 
they  do  over  such  a  variety  of  applications  and  uses,  it  is  possible 
to  see  tendencies  which  the  examination  of  more  records  may  con- 
firm as  definite  characteristics. 

While  it  would  be  presumptuous  at  this  time  to  attempt  to  formu- 
late a  Tinguian  style,  I  trust  that  what  I  have  tabulated  may  prove 
valuable  in  summing  up  the  total  evidence,  which  will  accumulate  as 
other  surveys  are  made;  and  if  perchance,  the  findings  here  set  down 
and  the  conclusions  tentatively  drawn  from  them  help  to  clear  up  any 
obscure  ethnological  point,  the  effort  has  been  well  spent. 

Albert  Gale. 


CONCLUSIONS 

The  first  impression  gained  by  the  student  of  Philippine  ethno- 
logy is  that  there  is  a  fundamental  unity  of  the  Philippine  peoples, 
the  Negrito  excepted,  not  only  in  blood  and  speech,  but  in  religious 
beliefs  and  practices,  in  lore,  in  customs,  and  industries.  It  is 
realized  that  contact  with  outside  nations  has  in  many  ways  ob- 
scured the  older  modes  of  thought,  and  has  often  swamped  native 
crafts,  while  each  group  has  doubtless  developed  many  of  its  present 
customs  on  Philippine  soil;  yet  it  seems  that  enough  of  the  old  still 
remains  to  proclaim  them  as  a  people  with  a  common  ancestry. 
To  what  extent  this  belief  is  justified  can  be  answered,  in  part,  by 
the  material  in  the  preceding  pages. 

A  study  of  the  physical  types  has  shown  that  each  group  con- 
sidered is  made  up  of  heterogeneous  elements.  Pigmy  blood  is 
everywhere  evident,  but  aside  from  this  there  is  a  well-marked 
brachycephalic  and  a  dolichocephalic  element.  With  the  latter  is  a 
greater  tendency  than  with  the  first  for  the  face  to  be  angular ;  the 
cheek  bones  are  more  outstanding,  while  there  is  a  greater  length 
and  breadth  of  the  nose.  Individuals  of  each  type  are  found  in  all 
the  groups  considered,  but  taken  in  the  average,  it  is  found  that  the 
Ilocano  and  Valley  Tinguian  fall  into  the  first  or  round-headed 
class,  the  Bontoc  Igorot  are  mesaticephalic,  while  between  them  are 
the  mountain  Tinguian  and  Apayao. 

Judging  from  their  habitat  and  the  physical  data,  it  appears  that 
the  Igorot  groups  were  the  first  comers;  that  the  brachycepnalic 
Ilocano-Tinguian  arrived  later  and  took  possession  of  the  coast,  and 
that  the  two  groups  have  intermarried  to  form  the  intermediate 
peoples.  However,  a  comparison  of  our  Luzon  measurements  with 
the  people  of  southern  China  and  the  Perak  Malay  leads  us  to 
believe  that  the  tribes  of  northwestern  Luzon  are  all  closely  related 
to  the  dominant  peoples  of  southern  China,  Indo-China,  and  Malay- 
sia in  general,  in  all  of  which  the  intermingling  of  these  types  is 
apparent. 

The  dialects  of  northwestern  Luzon,  while  not  mutually  intelli- 
gible, are  similar  in  morphology,  and  have  a  considerable  part  of 
their  vocabularies  in  common.  Here  again  the  Igorot  is  at  one 
extreme,  the  Ilocano  and  Valley  Tinguian  at  the  other,  while  the 

486 


Conclusions  487 

intervening  groups  are  intermediate,  but  with  a  strong  leaning 
toward  the  coast  tongue. 

Considering,  for  the  moment,  the  Bontoc  Igorot  and  the  Tin- 
guian,  it  is  found  that  both  have  certain  elements  of  culture  which 
are  doubtless  old  possessions,  as,  for  instance,  head-hunting,  ter- 
raced rice-fields,  iron-working,  a  peculiar  type  of  shield,  and  a 
battle-axe  which  they  share  with  the  Apayao  of  Luzon  and  the 
Naga  of  Assam. 

A  part  or  all  of  these  may  be  due  to  a  common  heritage,  at  any 
rate,  they  help  to  strengthen  the  feeling  that  in  remote  times  these 
peoples  were  closely  related.  But  a  detailed  study  of  their  social 
organizations ;  of  their  ceremonies,  songs,  and  dances ;  of  their  cus- 
toms at  birth,  marriage,  death,  and  burial;  of  their  house-building; 
as  well  as  the  details  of  certain  occupations,  such  as  the  rice  culture, 
pottery  making,  and  weaving,  indicates  that  not  only  have  they 
been  long  separated,  but  that  they  have  been  subjected  to  very 
different  outside  influences,  probably  prior  to  their  entry  into  the 
Philippines. 

It  is  not  in  the  province  of  this  monograph  to  deal  with  the 
probable  affiliations  of  the  Igorot,  neither  is  it  our  intention  to 
attempt  to  locate  the  ancient  home  of  the  Tinguian,  nor  to  connect 
them  with  any  existing  groups.  However,  our  information  seems 
to  justify  us  in  certain  general  conclusions.  It  shows  that  the  oft 
repeated  assertions  of  Chinese  ancestry  are  without  foundation. 
It  shows  that,  while  trade  with  China  had  introduced  hundreds  of 
pieces  of  pottery  and  some  other  objects  into  this  region,  yet 
Chinese  influence  had  not  been  of  an  intimate  enough  nature  to 
influence  the  language  or  customs,  or  to  introduce  any  industry. 
On  the  other  hand,  we  find  abundant  evidence  that  in  nearly  every 
phase  of  life  the  Tinguian  were  at  one  time  strongly  influenced 
by  the  peoples  to  the  south,  and  even  to-day  show  much  in  common 
with  Java,  Sumatra,  the  Malay  Peninsula,  and  through  them  with 
India.  As  a  case  in  point  we  find  in  the  procedure  at  birth  that  the 
Tinguian  are'in  accord  with  the  Peninsular  Malay  in  at  least  eight 
particulars,  some  of  which,  such  as  the  burning  of  a  fire  beside  the 
mother  and  newborn  babe  for  a  month  or  more,  the  frequent  bath- 
ing of  both  in  water  containing  leaves  and  herbs,  the  "fumigating" 
of  the  baby,  the  throwing  of  ashes  to  blind  evil  spirits,  are  suffi- 
ciently distinctive  to  indicate  a  common  source,  particularly  when 
they  still  occur  together  in  connection  with  one  of  the  great  events 
of  life. 


488  The  Tinguian 

Frequent  reference  has  been  made  to  the  parallels  between 
Tinguian  customs  and  those  practiced  in  Sumatra,  while  the 
methods  of  rice-culture  are  so  similar  that  they  can  have  come  only 
from  the  same  source.  In  the  weaving  the  influence  of  India  seems 
evident,  despite  the  fact  that  cotton  is  not  bowed  in  Abra,  and  the 
Tinguian  method  of  spinning  seems  unique.  These  methods, 
apparently  distinctive,  may  once  have  been  practised  more  broadly, 
but  were  superseded  by  more  efficient  instruments.  The  primitive 
method  of  ginning  cotton  by  rolling  it  beneath  a  tapering  rod 
appears  to  be  found  nowhere  in  the  Philippines  outside  of  Abra,  but 
it  is  used  in  some  remote  sections  of  Burma. 

Part  I  of  this  volume  presented  a  body  of  tales  which  showed 
many  resemblances  to  the  Islands  of  the  south,  as  well  as  incidents 
of  Indian  lore.  There  is,  in  fact,  a  distinct  feeling  of  Indian  in- 
fluence in  the  tales  of  the  mythical  period ;  yet  they  lack  the  epics 
of  that  people,  and  the  typical  trickster  tales  are  but  poorly  repre- 
sented. 

The  vocabulary  shows  comparatively  little  of  Indian  influence ; 
yet,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  the  Ilocano  was  one  of  the  coast 
groups  making  use  of  a  native  script  which  was  doubtless  of  Hindu 
origin. 

The  many  instances  of  Indian  influence  do  not  justify  the  supposi- 
tion that  the  Tinguian  were  ever  directly  in  contact  with  that  people. 
The  Malay  islands  to  the  south  were  pretty  thoroughly  under  Hindu 
domination  by  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era,  and  it  is  prob- 
able that  they  were  influenced  through  trade  at  a  considerably  earlier 
date.  Judging  from  our  data,  it  would  seem  that  the  Ilocano-Tinguian 
group  had  left  its  southern  home  at  a  time  after  this  influence  was 
beginning  to  make  itself  felt,  but  before  it  was  of  a  sufficiently  intimate 
nature  to  stamp  itself  indelibly  on  the  lore,  the  ceremonial  and 
economic  life  of  this  people,  as  it  did  in  Java  and  some  parts  of 
Sumatra.  It  is  possible  that  these  points  of  similarity  may  be  due  to 
trade,  but  if  so,  the  contact  was  at  a  period  antedating  the  fourteenth 
century,  for  in  historic  times  the  sea  trade  of  the  southern  islands  has 
been  in  the  hands  of  the  Mohammedanized  Malay.  Their  influence  is 
very  marked  in  the  southern  Philippines,  but  is  not  evident  in  north- 
western Luzon. 

Concerning  the  time  of  their  arrival  in  Luzon,  and  the  course 
pursued  by  them,  we  have  no  definite  proof ;  but  it  is  evident  that  the 
Tinguian  did  not  begin  to  press  inland  until  comparatively  recent  times. 
Historical  references  and  local  traditions  indicate  that  most  of  this 


Conclusions  489 

movement  has  taken  place  since  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  while 
the  distribution  of  the  great  ceremonies  gives  a  further  suggestion  that 
the  dominant  element  in  the  Tinguian  population  has  been  settled  in 
Abra  for  no  great  period.  The  probable  explanation  for  this  distribu- 
tion is  that  the  interior  valleys  were  sparsely  settled  with  a  population 
more  akin  to  the  Igorot  than  to  the  Tinguian,  prior  to  the  inland  move- 
ment of  the  latter  people;  that  the  Tinguian  were  already  possessed 
of  the  highly  developed  ceremonial  life,  before  they  entered  Abra,  and 
that  this  has  been  spread  slowly,  through  intermarriage  and  migration, 
to  the  people  on  the  outskirts  of  their  territory. 

These  ceremonies  are  still  practised  by  some  families  now  residing 
in  Christianized  settlements  in  Abra  and  Ilocos  Sur,  while  discreet 
questioning  soon  brings  out  the  fact  that  they  were  formerly  present 
in  towns  which  have  long  been  recognized  as  Ilocano.  The  relation- 
ship of  the  Tinguian  and  Ilocano  has  already  been  shown  by  the 
physical  data  and  historical  references;  but  were  these  lacking,  it  re- 
quires but  a  little  inquiry  and  the  compilation  of  geneaological  tables 
to  show  that  many  Ilocano  families  are  related  to  the  Tinguian.  It  is 
a  matter  of  common  observation  that  the  chief  barrier  between  the 
two  groups  is  religion,  and,  once  let  the  pagan  accept  Christianity,  he 
and  his  family  are  quickly  absorbed  by  the  Ilocano. 

Uninterrupted  trade  with  the  coast  in  recent  years,  Spanish  and 
American  influence,  have  doubtless  affected  considerable  changes  in  the 
Tinguian.  If,  however,  we  subtract  recent  introductions,  it  is  probable 
that  we  have  in  the  life  of  this  tribe  an  approximate  picture  of  con- 
ditions among  the  more  advanced  of  the  northern  Philippine  groups 
prior  to  the  entry  of  the  European  into  their  islands. 


INDEX 


Abang,  village  with  defensive  wall,  20. 

Abra,  American  rule  in,  246;  descrip- 
tion of,  239. 

Abstracts,  of  tales,  202. 

Aeta,  see  Negrito. 

Afterbirth,  child,  Sayen,  28;  disposal 
of,  264. 

AgEmEm,  powerful  female  spirit,  297. 

Akop,  an  evil  spirit  without  body,  300. 

Alan,  deformed  spirits,  14. 

Alangtin,  charm  against  spirits  of  the 
dead,  181. 

Alawig,  dance  held  during  Sayang 
ceremony,   14. 

Alzado,  name  applied  to  wild  head- 
hunting group,  10  note  1. 

Anito,  general  term  for  spirits,  301. 

Apayao,  measurements  of,  254;  rela- 
tionship to  Tinguian,  236. 

Apdel,  spirit  resident  in  the  guardian 
stones,  298. 

Augdstinian  Friars,  work  of,  among 
Tinguian,  243. 

Bakid,  ceremony  for  a  new  house,  322. 

Balau,  great  bird,  92. 

Balaua,  greatest  of  spirit  houses,  9, 
308. 

Banal,  a  vine,  used  as  charm  against 
spirits  of  the  dead,  182. 

Banana,  406. 

Bangued,  capital  of  Abra,  243. 

Banog,  great  bird,  carrying  man  awav, 
183. 

Bark  Goth,  422. 

Basket-making,  423. 

Baskets,  types  of,  425. 

Bawl,  origin  of,  178;  small  spirit 
house,  309. 

Baygan  (Vigan),  capital  of  Ilocos  Sur, 
20. 

Beads,  how  acquired,  191 ;  mentioned 
in  tales,  31 ;    ornaments,  21. 

Beauty,  illuminating  power  of,  35. 

Betel-nuts,  description  of,  407;  impor- 
tant in  ceremonies,  24,  31 ;  magic 
properties  of,  19;  use  of,  410;  used 
in  summoning  of  guests,  13. 

Binikwan,  a  special  ceremony,  358. 

Birth,  magic  in,  38;  observances  at, 
261. 

Blow-guns,  381. 

Boat  Burial,  24  note  1. 

Bruhl-Levy,  theory  of,  discussed,  292. 


Camote,  sweet  potato,  404. 

Carabao,  described,  412;  mentioned  in 

tales,  51. 
Cave,  home  of  spirit,  191. 
Celestial  Beings,  15,  25. 
Celestial    Bodies,    importance    of,    in 

myths,  15. 
Ceremonies,  general  discussion  of,  315; 

great  ceremonies,  327. 
Ceremonial  Paraphernalia,  311. 
Ceremonial  Structures,  308. 
Characters,  in  myths,  6. 
Chickens,  412. 
Childhood,  272. 

Chinese,    ancestry    of    Tinguian,    dis- 
puted, 247;    trade  with,  241. 
Climate,  240. 
Clothing,  9,  437. 
Coconut,  406. 
Comparison,    of    life    represented    in 

tales  with  present  conditions,  20. 
Conclusions,    to   tales,   30;     to    whole 

study,  486. 
Corn,  404. 
Crocodiles,    guard    girls,    87 ;     guard 

village,  93 ;   people  ride  on,  84. 
Cultivated  Plants  and  Trees,  403. 
Customs,     described     in     myths,     13; 

power  of,  26,  31. 
Cycle  of  Life,  261. 

Da-eng,  described,  439;  music  of, 
445,  451;  sacred  dance,  13;  words 
of  song,  456. 

Dagopan  (Dagupan),  town  in  Pan- 
gasinan,  8. 

Daily  Life,  in  tales,  9. 

Dances,  439. 

Dawak,  a  ceremony,  13,  315. 

Dayapan,    important    woman,    177. 

Dead,  restored  to  life,  90. 

Death,  cause  of,  177 ;  customs  con- 
nected with,  14;  disposal  of  corpse, 
23-24 ;    temporary   state,    19. 

Death  and  Burial,  283. 

Decorative  Art,  431. 

Defensive  Walls,  around  villages,  20. 

Diam,  description  of,  5 ;  part  of 
ceremony,  27;  semi-magical  formula, 
296. 

Discrepancies,  between  life  in  tales 
and  of  to-day,  32. 

Divorce,  283 ;  in  tales,  12. 

Dogs,  411. 


491 


492 


Index 


Domestic  Animals,  411. 
Dumagat,  assistant  of  writer,  3. 
Dyes,  426. 

Earth,  ideas  concerning,  189. 
Economic  Life,  387. 
Engagement,  278. 
Etiquette,  14,  363. 

Fables,    195 ;   parallels   of,   with   other 

regions,  28. 
Family,  366;    rules  governingr  361. 
Fire,  beside  new-born  child,  265. 
Firefly,  in  myths,  18  note  3,  85. 
Fishing,  383. 
Fish-stick,  magic  of,  33. 
Flood,  189. 
Funeral,  284. 

Gale,  Albert,  chapter  on  music,  443. 
Galong-galong,   baby   jumper,    no. 
Games,  276. 

Gansa,  copper  gong,  440. 
Geographical    Relations    and    History, 

238. 
Gipas,   ceremony  before  birth,  263. 
Gironiere,    Paul    de,    his    account    of 

Tinguian   burial   discussed,    287. 
Gold,  importance  of,  in  tales,  15,  21. 
Granaries,  for  rice,  394. 
Graves,  types  of,  287. 

Harrow,  390. 

Head-axe,  375. 

Head-hunting,    celebration     following, 

22;    following  death,  286;    in  tales, 

10,  21 ;    see  also  warfare. 
Hermaphrodites,  361. 
Hides,  preparation  of,  429. 
Hoe  Culture,  20. 
Horses,  how  acquired,  189. 
House  Furnishings,  365. 
Hunting,  378. 

lbal,  ceremony  for  sick  child,  268. 

Ibwa,  an  evil  spirit,  299. 

Idadaya,  spirit  of  the  East,  298. 

Igorot,  institutions  of,  236,  247; 
measurements  of,  255. 

Ilocano,  identical  with  Tinguian,  236; 
measurements  of,  250;  receive  help 
from  Tinguian,  244. 

Inanimate  Objects,  appear  alive,  16. 

India,  influence  of,  on  Tinguian  cul- 
ture, 236. 

Inheritance,  362. 

Ipogau,  spirit  name  for  Tinguian,  8, 
171. 

Iron-working,  413. 

Itneg,  local  name  for  Tinguian,  182 
note  2,  243. 


Jars,  appear  as  animals,  51 ;  Chinese, 
21,  31  ;  talking,  16,  31 ;  wealth 
reckoned  in,  21. 

Kaboniyan,  a  powerful  spirit,  208. 
Kadaklan,  greatest  of  the  spirits,  297. 
Kadalayapan,      important      town      of 

mythical  period,  7,  20. 
Kakok,  a  bird,  origin  of,   191. 
Kalangan,    important    spirit   structure, 

310;   the  ceremony,  344. 
Kalau,  origin  of  bird,  190. 
Kalinga,  relationship  to  Tinguian,  236. 
Kambaya,  striped  blanket,  183. 
Kaodanan,     important     town     in     the 

myths,  7,  20. 
Komau;   giant  spirit,  186. 

Lakay,  headman,  359. 

Lawed,    chewed    with    betel-nut,    406, 

410;   omen  vine,  96. 
Laws,  361. 
Layog,  ceremony  held  one  year  after 

a  death,  290. 
Langpadan,  mountain  rice,  20,  138,  387 

note. 
Life    and    Death ;    beliefs    concerning, 

292. 
Limahon,    claims    of     descent     from, 

refuted,  259. 
Love  Charm,  77  note  2. 

Magic,  14,  17,  24,  304. 

Magic  Flight,  17  note  1. 

Magic  Pool,  restores  dead  to  life,  19. 

Magsawi,  talking  jar,  192. 

Malay,  movement  into  Luzon,  235. 

Marriage,  in  mythical  period,  n,  12; 
of  relatives,  12,  23;  price,  n;  pro- 
hibitions, 361. 

Medicines,  409. 

Mediums,  6  note  1,  301. 

Migrations,  into  Abra,  32;  intp  moun- 
tains, 241. 

Monkey,  origin  of,  189-190. 

Moon,  spots  on,  192. 

Mountain  Tinguian,  measurements  of, 
253. 

Murder,  punishment  of,  362. 

Music,  443. 

Musical  Instruments,  440. 

Mythical  Period,  tales  of,  6. 

Naming,  266. 

Negrito,    aborigines    of    Luzon,    235; 

appear  in  tales,  147. 
Net-making,  427. 
Ngorongor,  a  minor  ceremony,  326. 

Olog,  ceremony  to  promote  growth  of 
child,  276. 


Index 


493 


Omens,  19  note  I,  306. 

Pakalon,  It, 

Pala-an,  ceremony,  328;  spirit  struc- 
ture, 310. 

Pan-pipe,  57,  441. 

Pennarubia,  governor  of  Abra,  245. 

Perak  Malay,  measurements  of,  258.  - 

Personal  Adornment,  437. 

Physical  Type,  247. 

Pigs,  412,  become  boys,  116. 

Pinaing,  guardian  stones,  178,  319. 

Pinasal,  a  ceremony,  355. 

Pipes,  manufacture  of,  428. 

Plow,  390. 

Poison,  148. 

Polynesians,  relationship  of,  to  primi- 
tive Malay,  235. 

Pota,  concubine,  283,  360. 

Pregnancy,  262. 

Principal  Characters,  in  tales,  6-7. 

Property,  transfer  of,  362. 

Raft,  ceremonial,  24  note  1,  p.  130. 

Rainfall,  240. 

Reconstruction,  of  culture  represented 

in  tales,  6. 
Religion  and  Magic,  295. 
Rice    Culture,    compared   with    Igorot, 

394;    compared   with   Sumatra,  394; 

described,  387. 
Rice  Cutters,  393. 
Rice  Harvest,  402. 
Rice  Mortar,  394. 
Ritualistic  Myths,  26,  171. 
Rooster's  Eggs,  34. 
Rope,  manufacture  of,  420. 

Sagang,  head  pole,  10,  310. 
Sagobay,  a  ceremony,  324. 
Salaksak,  the  kingfisher,  an  omen  bird, 

307. 
Salcedo,  subdues  Ilocos  provinces,  241. 
Saloko,     ceremonial     pole,     310;     the 

ceremony,  319. 
San  Fernando,  town  in  Pangasinan,  8. 


Sangasang,  a  ceremony,  323. 

Sapata,  the  oath,  326. 

Sayang,    greatest    of    the    ceremonies, 

345;    relationship  to  warfare,  13. 
Sayen,  afterbirth  child,  28,  185. 
Shields.  378. 
Sleds,  300. 
Snakes,  form  defensive  walls,  46,  93 ; 

Kanag  becoming  a  snake,  135. 
Songs,   of   children,  275. 
Southern    Chinese,    measurements    of, 

257. 
Spears,  377. 

Spinning  and  Weaving,  416. 
Spirits,  297;    of  the  dead,  291. 
Spirit  Town,  184. 
Still-born  Child,  264. 
Sudipan,  spirit  name  for  earth,  8. 
Sugar-cane,  405 ;    in  tales,  107. 
Sun,  in  myths,  15,  33,  37- 

Taboos,  following  death,  290. 

Tadek,  a  dance,  11  note  3,  440. 

Tales,  of  mythical  period,  33 ;  recon- 
structed culture  of,  6. 

Taltalabong,  311. 

Tangpap,  a  spirit  structure,  311 J  the 
ceremony,  331. 

Terraced  Fields,  389. 

Theft,  362. 

Tinguian,  not  an  Igorot  sub-group,  20; 
physical  type,  260;  valley,  measure- 
ments of,  251. 

Tobacco,  405,  410. 

Tops,  mentioned  in  tales,  93,  274. 

Totems,  none  found,  360. 

Toys,  274. 

Transformation,  into  animals,   18. 

Village,  description  of,  363. 

Warfare,  10,  371 ;  see  head-hunting. 
Watch  Houses,  in  fields,  154. 
Weapons,  375. 
Wedding  Ceremonv,  280. 
Wild  Plants  and  Trees,  408. 


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